"Ministers should encourage public awareness of the fact that being taken into care can be of great benefit to children"
House of Commons
Education Committee
Children first: the child
protection system in
England
Fourth Report of Session 2012–13
Volume I
Volume I: Report, together with formal
minutes
Volume II: Oral and written evidence
Additional written evidence is contained in
Volume III, available on the Committee website
at www.parliament.uk/educom
Ordered by the House of Commons
to be printed 30 October 2012 The Education Committee
The Education Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine
the expenditure, administration and policy of the Department for Education and
its associated public bodies.
Membership at time Report agreed:
Mr Graham Stuart MP (Conservative, Beverley & Holderness) (Chair)
Neil Carmichael MP (Conservative, Stroud)
Alex Cunningham MP (Labour, Stockton North)
Bill Esterson MP, (Labour, Sefton Central)
Pat Glass MP (Labour, North West Durham)
Damian Hinds MP (Conservative, East Hampshire)
Charlotte Leslie MP (Conservative, Bristol North West)
Siobhain McDonagh MP (Labour, Mitcham and Morden)
Ian Mearns MP (Labour, Gateshead)
David Ward MP (Liberal Democrat, Bradford East)
Craig Whittaker MP (Conservative, Calder Valley)
Nic Dakin MP (Labour, Scunthorp), Tessa Munt MP (Liberal Democrat, Wells) and
Lisa Nandy MP (Labour, Wigan) were also members of the Committee during the
inquiry.
Powers
The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of
which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No
152. These are available on the Internet via www.parliament.uk
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Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including press
notices) are on the Internet at www.parliament.uk/education-committee
Committee staff
The current staff of the Committee are Dr Lynn Gardner (Clerk), Geraldine
Alexander (Second Clerk), Penny Crouzet (Committee Specialist), Emma Gordon
(Committee Specialist), Benjamin Nicholls (Committee Specialist), Ameet
Chudasama (Senior Committee Assistant), Caroline McElwee (Committee
Assistant), and Paul Hampson (Committee Support Assistant)
Contacts
All correspondence should be addressed to the Clerk of the Education
Committee, House of Commons, 7 Millbank, London SW1P 3JA. The telephone
number for general enquiries is 020 7219 6181; the Committee’s e-mail address is
educom@parliament.uk Children first: the child protection system in England 1
Contents
Report Page
Summary 3
1 Introduction 8
Background 8
Context of report 9
Conduct of inquiry 9
Older children: terminology 10
The evidence base for our inquiry 10
Background to the child protection system 12
Who is responsible for child protection? 12
The legislative and policy framework 13
How child protection concerns are reported 15
Referral to children’s social care 15
Child protection conferences and plans 16
Care proceedings 17
Serious Case Reviews 18
Children in care and child protection figures 18
2 Neglect 20
The definition of neglect 20
The long-term consequences of neglect 23
The scale of neglect 24
Neglecting neglect 25
Domestic violence and neglect 29
3 Older children 31
Vulnerability of older children 31
Professionals’ perceptions of older children 33
Behavioural issues and child protection 34
Care options 36
Specialised forms of abuse 38
Trafficking 38
Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children 41
Abuse between teenagers: peer violence 42
Child sexual exploitation 44
Forced marriage 45
Ritual abuse, witchcraft and female genital mutilation 46
General conclusion 48
Help-seeking by older children 50
Reluctance to seek help 50
Sources of help 51
Self-referral 52
Advocates 532 Children first: the child protection system in England
Points of contact 54
Conclusion 56
4 Thresholds for intervention 57
Are thresholds for intervention set at the right level? 57
Common understanding of local thresholds 62
Information-sharing between agencies 63
Moving beyond thresholds 65
Securing early intervention for children 68
Child protection and health reforms 70
Thresholds for removing a child to care 72
Thresholds for adoption 75
5 Conclusion 79
Conclusions and recommendations 81
Annexes 1-6 88
Formal Minutes 112
Witnesses 113
List of printed written evidence 115
List of additional written evidence 115
List of Reports from the Committee during the current Parliament 118Children first: the child protection system in England 3
Summary
The child protection system in England has been subject to much scrutiny in recent years.
The Munro report is a major step forward, and there have been significant and very
positive developments and changes in the child protection system in the last few years. In
our inquiry and this report we seek to draw attention to some areas where improvement is
still needed.
Evidence was gathered before the recent revelations and allegations concerning the BBC
and other institutions but the developments of the last few weeks underline how timely our
report is. Much of the media coverage of recent cases has concentrated on the perpetrators
and not the victims. Our inquiry and report has been informed by our strong conviction
that the focus should be on the children and on child protection—putting children first.
We have concentrated on three key themes: neglect, older children and the thresholds for
intervention, for taking children into care and for adoption.
Neglect
Neglect is the most common form of child abuse in England. Having looked at both the
criminal and civil definitions of neglect, we recommend that the Government investigate
thoroughly whether the narrow scope of the criminal definition contained in the Children
and Young Persons Act 1933 is causing problems in bringing criminal cases of neglect, but
we have seen no convincing evidence that the civil definition is insufficient.
To get a better picture of the scale of neglect, we recommend that the Government
commission research to investigate whether similar situations and behaviours are being
classified as neglect in different local authorities.
There is evidence that children have been left too long in neglectful situations. To tackle
this, child protection guidance for all front-line professionals should include an
understanding of the long-term developmental consequences of neglect and the urgency of
early intervention. Securing positive outcomes and meeting the needs of the child should
come before all other considerations, and there needs to be a continued shift in culture so
that there is earlier protection and safeguarding of the long-term needs of children. The
Government must be prepared to act if there are signs that improvement in the
responsiveness of local authorities to neglect is not being sustained.
In cases of domestic violence, the focus should be on supporting the abused parent and
helping them to protect their children, but the interests of the children must come first.
Older children
Local authorities have a statutory duty to “safeguard and promote the welfare of children in
need” at all ages up to 18 years old. We heard many concerns that the child protection
system is not meeting the needs of older children (aged 14-18). Our inquiry has revealed a
worrying picture with regard to the protection and support of this group. This is
characterised by a lack of services for adolescents, a failure to look beyond behavioural 4 Children first: the child protection system in England
problems, a lack of recognition of the signs of neglect and abuse in teenagers, and a lack of
understanding about the long-term impact on them. It is clear that the system as a whole is
still failing this particular group in key ways. We recommend that the Government
urgently review the support offered by the child protection system to older children and
consult on proposals for re-shaping services to meet the needs of this very vulnerable
group.
To tackle issues with perception, social work training should ensure that teaching delivers
an understanding of the effect of maltreatment on older children, their ability to cope with
it and the long-term implications for their future well-being. Practitioners of all disciplines
must demonstrate greater awareness of the fact that older children may also be vulnerable
and be a “child in need”.
Ofsted should monitor and report as a standard part of all inspections on the quality and
suitability of the provision made by local authorities for older children, taking into account
the views of the children themselves. We are particularly concerned about the position of
care-leavers and the accommodation and range of support provided for them. The impact
of this upon their life chances is highly significant and this area needs further detailed
examination.
Specialised forms of abuse
We examined a number of specialised forms of abuse in relation to older children. We
concluded:
• Trafficked children found in criminal settings must always be treated as victims
and children first and not just as criminals.
• In the context of claims that there is tension between child protection and
immigration policies, we believe that it would be outrageous if destitution were to
be used as a weapon against children because of their immigration status. The
Government should review the impact of immigration policy upon child
protection and children’s rights to ensure that this is the case.
• The Department for Education should be given explicit overall responsibility for
the welfare of all children, including those who have been trafficked or who are
seeking asylum.
• Abuse between teenagers is an overlooked issue in the child protection system
which needs to be recognised. We welcome the Government’s plans to extend the
definition of domestic abuse to under 18s and to include “coercive control”. Social
workers, schools and youth workers need specific training on these issues and those
in authority must have a greater willingness to act.
• More broadly, the College of Social Work should take a leading role in coordinating and promoting awareness of CPD training in specialised forms of abuse.
Local authorities should nominate a specialised child abuse practitioner to lead on
such matters. Where an authority has a low incidence of a particular form of child Children first: the child protection system in England 5
abuse, they should be able to draw on the expertise of nominated practitioners in
other authorities.
Help-seeking by older children
There is considerable work to be done by central and local agencies in raising awareness
amongst children of the nature of abuse and how it might affect them. Local Safeguarding
Children Boards should work together to establish best practice in raising awareness and
ensuring a better response to child abuse amongst older children through the coordination
of the efforts of all agencies in their local area.
Local authorities should encourage schools and other universal settings to provide more
peer-led support. Local authorities should also include on their websites information
aimed at older children on how to make a self-referral.
ChildLine has seen an increase in contacts from older children. We recommend that
ChildLine be assisted and enabled by the Government to market its existence and services
more widely, especially to older children.
Thresholds for intervention
Our inquiry examined thresholds for intervention by local authorities. There is great
variation in how they are operated. We recommend that the Government commission
research to understand the impact of varying thresholds in different areas, and whether
thresholds for section 17 and section 47 interventions are too high and/or rising in some
areas. Ofsted should also monitor and report on the variation between local authorities’
provision and changes over time.
Individual local authorities have made strenuous efforts to minimise the impact of cuts on
their child protection services but this position might prove difficult, if not impossible, to
maintain in future years. The Government should commission work to monitor the impact
of the current economic situation and cuts in local authority services on childsafeguarding.
We heard concern from front-line professionals that the intelligence they provided to
social services was not always used effectively. The referrals process needs to be able to
account for “soft” intelligence and get better at trusting the judgement of front-line
professionals. Where possible, those making the referral should be involved in decisionmaking about what action to take. Children’s services should be required to feed back
simply and quickly to the person making a referral on whether and what action is taken in
response. Ofsted should consider whether local authorities are giving adequate feedback to
referrers as part of its investigations under the new inspection framework and should also
monitor re-referral rates in local authorities.
To encourage co-operation and mutual understanding between agencies, there should be
greater use of multi-agency training. An important component of this would be
information-sharing where there are particular problems. We also recommend that the
Government ensure that guidance for professionals in all the relevant agencies is absolutely
clear about their statutory duties on data protection and data-sharing with regard to 6 Children first: the child protection system in England
protecting children, and that LSCBs take a leading role in ensuring that this guidance is
understood and acted upon in their areas.
We came across local authorities which were moving away from the use of thresholds in
favour of a more integrated model in which all children receive appropriate help. This is
assisted by a multi-agency co-location model, and we strongly encourage all local
authorities to consider the merits of moving to this.
The Munro report proposed a new duty on local authorities and statutory partners to
secure local early help services for children, young people and families. We recommend
that the Government reconsider its rejection of this proposal.
Health reforms
During the course of our inquiry, fears were expressed from different quarters about how
child protection structures will operate under NHS reforms. More needs to be done by the
Government to provide clarity and shore up confidence. The Department of Health
urgently needs to clarify where and how safeguarding and child protection accountabilities
will work under the new structures. It should also confirm its continuing commitment to
the role of named and designated doctors and nurses for child protection.
To ensure that priority is given to child protection in the new structures and to provide a
point of contact with the LSCBs, one of the chairs of the Health and Wellbeing Boards
should be nominated as a national lead on safeguarding children.
Removing a child to care and adoption
The balance of evidence is heavily in favour of care being considered as a viable, positive
option at an earlier stage for many children. It is essential to promote a more positive
picture of care to young people and to the public in general. Ministers should encourage
public awareness of the fact that being taken into care can be of great benefit to children.
We endorse the Government’s current policy emphasis on increasing the number of
children adopted, speeding up the process and facilitating foster-to-adopt arrangements.
However, the same goal of permanence and stability can be achieved by other means and it
is vital that the Government and those in local authorities continue to concentrate effort
and resources on prioritising stability in placements for all children. We would welcome
greater debate on policies which might bring this about and greater encouragement from
the Government for alternative solutions. In particular, there should be increased emphasis
in central guidance aimed at limiting the disruption and damage caused to vulnerable
children by frequent changes.
We look forward to examining the Minister’s proposals on an appeals mechanism against
forced adoption.
Conclusion
We recognise that that the scale and nature of child abuse in the 21st century presents a
huge challenge to the child protection system. There are also concerns about the pressures
experienced by the system as a result of the simultaneous increase in demand for services Children first: the child protection system in England 7
and restrictions on resources because of the economic situation. These are serious issues
which have to be addressed head-on, as do the areas of improvements we identify in our
report. Recent events and our own findings show how far there is still to go, but there is a
real opportunity to transform the child protection system. It is vital that the momentum
for change is not lost. 8 Children first: the child protection system in England
1 Introduction
Background
1. The child protection system in England has been subject to much scrutiny in recent
years. In June 2010 the Secretary of State for Education asked Professor Eileen Munro to
conduct an independent review of child protection in England. The review received over
1,000 pieces of written evidence and consulted with professional representatives as well as
children and young people. A first report, A systems analysis (published September 2010),
set out current problems in the system; a second, The child’s journey (published February
2011), outlined the characteristics of an effective system. The final report, A child-centred
system, was published in May 2011. Its headline conclusion was that the system had
become overly prescriptive and bureaucratic and that the balance between prescription and
the exercise of professional judgment needed to be redressed so that “those working in
child protection are able to stay child-centred”.
1
2. The Munro review was preceded by the Social Work Task Force, set up in December
2008 to “advise the Government on the content of a comprehensive programme of reform
for the whole social work profession”. Chaired by Moira Gibb CBE, the Task Force
published its interim report in July 2009 and a final report in December 2009. It concluded
that the “quality of social work practice now needs to be raised significantly, through
comprehensive, ambitious reform”.
2
The then Government accepted the Task Force’s
recommendations and published an implementation plan in March 2010, which
established a Social Work Reform Board to drive reform leading to the College of Social
Work.
3. Other reviews and reports have concentrated on specific aspects of the child protection
system. For example, in January 2011, Graham Allen published his Review of Early
Intervention which considered the evidence for early intervention in the lives of
disadvantaged children and made recommendations about which interventions were most
effective in improving outcomes for their target group in a cost-effective way, taking
account of savings accrued in costly interventions in later life.
3
This was followed by Dame
Clare Tickell’s review of the Early Years Foundation Stage (March 2011) which made
recommendations for safeguarding requirements for early years settings, and called for a
greater emphasis on identifying inappropriate behaviours in both adults and children
which may indicate maltreatment.
4
The Government also commissioned eleven research
1 Munro, E., (2010), Part One: A System’s Analysis, London, Department for Education; Munro, E., (2011); The Munro
Review of Child Protection Interim Report: The Child’s Journey, London, Department for Education; Munro, E.,
(2011); The Munro Review of Child Protection; Final Report: A child-centred system, London, Department for
Education, Cm 8062 (hereafter Munro Review)
2 Social Work Task Force (November 2009), Building a safe, confident future
3 Allen, G. (January 2011), Review of Early Intervention
4 Tickell, C. (March 2011), Early Years Foundation Stage Children first: the child protection system in England 9
studies on safeguarding children following the death of Victoria ClimbiƩ.
5
During the
course of our inquiry further reviews were published on the family justice system, early
years qualifications and adoption.
6
Finally, on the day she gave evidence to us, Professor
Munro’s one year on progress report was published. Entitled Moving towards a childcentred system, the report concluded that “progress is moving in the right direction but that
it needs to move faster”.
7
4. This level of review and reflection within the sector and within Government clearly
illustrates the importance attached by those at the centre to getting it right for the most
vulnerable children in society. The Munro report, in particular, is a major step forward and
the Government deserves praise for commissioning it and for committing to its
implementation. Until recently, the reforms were overseen by a Minister, Tim Loughton
MP, who had long experience of his role, giving much needed continuity in policy. He was
highly regarded for his knowledge of and dedication to improving the care system. Social
workers on the frontline also deserve recognition, both for the work they do and for their
attitude towards reform: as Ofsted told us, “there is a real appetite in the system for
change”.
8
There have been significant and very positive developments and changes in the
child protection system in the last few years. We acknowledge that this is the case and in
our inquiry, we have sought not to cover the same ground as the reforms which are
underway but instead to concentrate on some areas where improvement may still be
needed.
Context of report
5. Our report concentrates, as our inquiry has done, on wider issues within the child
protection system. Evidence was gathered before the recent revelations and allegations
concerning the BBC and other institutions but the developments of the last few weeks
underline how timely this report is. Much of the media coverage of recent cases has
concentrated on the perpetrators and not the victims. Our inquiry and report has been
informed by our strong conviction that the focus should be on the children and on child
protection—putting children first.
Conduct of inquiry
6. We launched our inquiry on 14 July 2011, with the following broad terms of reference:
• Whether the child protection system allows for effective identification of, and early
help to, children at risk of different forms of abuse and exploitation (including, but
5 http://www.education.gov.uk/researchandstatistics/research/scri/b0076846/the-studies-in-the-safeguarding-researchinitiative
6 Norgrove, D. (November 2011), Family Justice Review: Final Report; Nutbrown, C. (June 2012), Foundations for
Quality: The Independent review of early education and childcare qualifications: Final Report; An Action Plan for
Adoption (2012,) Department for Education
7 Munro, E.(2012), The Munro Review of Child Protection: Progress Report: Moving towards a child-centred system,
Executive summary
8 Q8 (John Goldup) 10 Children first: the child protection system in England
not restricted to: neglect, sexual and physical abuse, domestic violence, forced
marriage, female genital mutilation, child trafficking and online exploitation);
• Factors affecting the quality of decision-making in referral and assessment, and
variations across the country;
• Appropriate thresholds for intervention, including arguments for and against
removing children from their families;
• Whether the child protection policies and practices of non-social work agencies
and Government departments assist professionals to work together in the interests
of the child.
7. On the basis of themes which emerged in written and oral evidence as priority areas, we
decided in December 2011 to revise our terms of reference, to focus on three key areas:
• The impact of neglect and the long term consequences of a delay in intervention
where there is evidence of neglect;
• Older young people (especially those aged 15 to 19) and child protection;
• Thresholds for intervention, for taking children into care and for adoption.
Our report therefore considers these three separate but linked aspects of the child
protection system.
Older children: terminology
8. When we refer to ‘older children’ we refer to young people aged between 14 and about
19. In our terms of reference we identified a starting age of 15, but, based on Ofsted’s
analysis, we consider that 14 is a more appropriate age. Whilst some of the evidence refers
to this group as ‘young people’, our investigation is concerned with the child protection
system, so for these purposes we will continue to refer to them as ‘older children’.
The evidence base for our inquiry
9. We accepted as evidence over 100 written submissions from a wide range of individuals
and organisations. We received a number of submissions describing individual cases where
a child had been removed from their family: some of these were accepted as written
evidence, others were taken as background papers. All have contributed to our
understanding of the issues and we are grateful to those who shared their experiences and
views with us.
10. We held a series of nine oral evidence sessions, with 15 panels of witnesses.
9
These
included: academics; those with responsibility for identifying safeguarding issues in schools
and GP surgeries; representatives of helplines, charities with experience of specialised
9 A list of witnesses and written evidence received can be found at the back of this report. Children first: the child protection system in England 11
forms of abuse and of assisting children in particular situations; national children’s
charities; local authority officials and independent chairs of Local Safeguarding Children
Boards; the past and current heads of the Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre;
a representative from the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health; the chief executive
of Cafcass; and a family court judge. In addition, we heard from John Hemming MP,
founder of Families for Justice; Dame Moira Gibb CBE, Chair of the Social Work Reform
Board; Professor Munro; and Tim Loughton MP, then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of
State for Children and Families, Department for Education.
11. We supplemented the evidence taken at Westminster with a series of visits to discuss
the issues raised by our inquiry and to meet those affected by them. These included:
• independent children’s homes in Barnsley (October 2011)
• Silverdale school in North Tyneside (December 2011)
• NSPCC Adult Helpline and ChildLine (March 2012)
• Tower Hamlets children’s services (March 2012)
• York children’s services (March 2012)
• Doncaster children’s services (March 2012)
Notes summarising the discussions held on these visits, where appropriate, are annexed to
this report. We should like to thank once again all those who contributed to and
participated in our meetings and discussions. We learned a great deal from them.
12. In addition, we held a private event with older children/young people, facilitated by the
Office of the Children’s Commissioner, in Westminster in April 2012. An anonymised
summary of notes from that meeting is also annexed to the report. We are very grateful to
all the young people who participated for their frankness and their readiness to share their
thoughts and experience to help us understand what the child protection system feels like
to those whom it is intended to serve.
13. In this inquiry we benefitted greatly from the advice and assistance of our standing
special advisers on children’s services, Marion Davis CBE and Professor David Berridge
OBE.
10
10 Marion Davis CBE declared interests as a former President and continuing Associate Member of the Association of
Directors of Children’s Services (ADCS) and as a former member of the Munro review reference group, continuing to
work with Professor Munro. Professor David Berridge OBE, Professor of Child and Family Welfare, Centre for Family
Policy and Child Welfare, University of Bristol, declared interests in the form of research with the Department for
Education and as a member of the Corporate Parenting Panel of Bristol City Council Children and Young People’s
Services. 12 Children first: the child protection system in England
Background to the child protection system
Who is responsible for child protection?
14. It is everyone’s responsibility to help keep children safe. In Government terms, child
protection in England is the overall responsibility of the Department for Education, which
issues both statutory and non-statutory guidance to local authorities. Local authorities use
this guidance to produce their own procedures which should be followed by practitioners
and professionals who come into contact with children and their families in that particular
local authority area.
15. In England, Local Safeguarding Children’s Boards (LSCBs) ensure that the key agencies
involved in safeguarding children work together effectively. LSCBs were put on a statutory
footing in 2006. Their core membership is set out in the Children Act 2004, and includes
local authorities, health bodies, the police and others, including the voluntary and
independent sectors. They are required to produce and publish an Annual Report on the
effectiveness of safeguarding in the local area.
11
16. Local authority children’s services are the key statutory agency responsible for planning
and providing child protection services. Until recently all children’s services authorities
were required to have a children and young people’s plan in place, to give strategic
direction to services, and to have a Children’s Trust Board, responsible for planning,
commissioning and ensuring the delivery of these services. As of October 2010, statutory
children’s trust guidance was withdrawn and children and young people’s plan regulations
were revoked, meaning that Trusts are no longer required to produce a plan although
many have retained them. The Government intended to remove schools and colleges from
the ‘duty to cooperate’ in 2011 but “was persuaded to retain the duty while interested
parties work through how best to implement the reforms outlined in the Special
Educational Needs and Disability Green Paper”.
12
There is still a requirement for all
authorities to have a Children’s Trust Board but “there are no longer any regulations or
central guidance on how this should be done”.
13
17. The Director of Children’s Services (DCS) is professionally accountable for the delivery
of services, which include all maintained education and social services functions for
children. An elected councillor is designated as lead member for children’s services. The
director, lead member and LSCB are together responsible for producing and implementing
the child protection procedures and policies for professionals working with children. The
revised Working Together guidance (see below) underlines the responsibilities of the DCS
and the lead member that apply even where local authorities choose to incorporate
additional roles such as Director of Adult Services.
11 DCSF (March 2010), Working Together to Safeguard Children, pp.12-13
12 http://www.education.gov.uk/childrenandyoungpeople/healthandwellbeing/a00202982/anewapproachforchildrenstrustboards
13 Ibid Children first: the child protection system in England 13
The legislative and policy framework
18. In England, the legislative framework for the child protection system is provided for by
the Children Act 1989. The Act introduced a duty for local authorities to safeguard and
promote the welfare of children within their area who are in need. Authorities are required
to assess a child’s needs and promote the upbringing of children by their own families if
safe to do so. The Act also made provision for children to be taken into the care of local
authorities and set out the duties of authorities in relation to those children. Subsequently,
a further Children Act was passed in 2004 following Lord Laming’s inquiry into the death
of 8-year-old Victoria ClimbiƩ. The Children Act 2004 did not replace the previous Act but
it served to provide the legal framework for the Government’s Every Child Matters
programme (published in 2003) and changed the way children's services are structured in
England, including the creation of Children’s Trusts, LSCBs and the ContactPoint database
(now closed).
19. The main policy guidance is the statutory and non-statutory guidance contained in
Working Together to Safeguard Children. Introduced in 1999, and revised in 2006 and
2010, the guidance sets out how organisations and individuals should work together to
safeguard and promote the welfare of children and young people in accordance with the
relevant legislation. Chapters 1 to 8 are issued as statutory guidance and Chapters 9 to 12
are non-statutory practice guidance. In response to the Munro review, the Government
promised to revise and substantially shorten the guidance. The draft revision was published
at the very end of our evidence-taking, on 12 June 2012, for consultation until 4 September.
The new version consists of three separate documents:
• Working together to safeguard children: draft guidance on what is expected of
organisations, individually and jointly, to safeguard and promote the welfare of
children;
• Managing individual cases: the framework for the assessment of children in need
and their families: draft guidance on undertaking assessments of children in need;
and
• Statutory guidance on learning and improvement: proposed new arrangements for
Serious Case Reviews, reviews of child deaths and other learning processes led by
Local Safeguarding Children Boards.
14
Legal definitions
20. The legal definition of harm under the Children Act 1989 is ill-treatment (including
sexual abuse and non-physical forms of ill-treatment) or the impairment of health
(physical or mental) or development (physical, intellectual, emotional, social or
behavioural). Section 120 of the Adoption and Children Act 2002 amended this definition
to also include: “[…] for example, impairment suffered from seeing or hearing the ill-
14 http://www.education.gov.uk/a00211065/revised-safeguarding-guidance 14 Children first: the child protection system in England
treatment of another”. The March 2010 edition of Working Together states that “there are
no absolute criteria on which to rely when judging what constitutes significant harm” and
that the nature, frequency, extent and circumstances of the harm have to be taken into
consideration before doing so. (This guidance is not included in the draft revised version.)
A court decides whether the harm is significant, by comparing the health and development
of the child with that which could be reasonably expected of a similar child.
21. Two terms central to the legislative framework are children in need and looked-after
children. Local authority children’s services have a duty under section 17 of the Children’s
Act 1989 to ‘safeguard and promote the welfare of children who are in need within their
area’.
15
Any professional who has concerns about a child may make a referral to specialist
services but may also refer the child to children’s social care under section 17. Following
assessment, the child may be deemed a child in need. Looked-after children are children
who are the subject of care orders, those voluntarily accommodated by a local authority,
and children in certain other specific circumstances. Under section 20 of the Children Act
1989 children can come into the care of a local authority by a voluntary agreement, with
parental legal responsibility remaining with the parents or primary carer. A care order,
made under section 31 of the Act, places a child compulsorily in the care of the local
authority, which then assumes parental responsibility for that child, shared with the birth
parents.
22. The Common Assessment Framework (CAF) is a standardised approach to conducting
assessments of children’s needs, which can be used by frontline practitioners across the
country. It takes into account the roles of parents, carers and environmental factors on
children’s development, to make an assessment of how children’s needs should be met. A
common assessment can be done at any time—on unborn babies, new babies, and children
or young people. It is designed for use when:
• there is concern about how well a child (or unborn baby) or young person is
progressing (this includes particularly vulnerable children and young people such
as persistent truants and young runaways)
• their needs are unclear, or broader than a service can address on its own
• a common assessment would help identify the needs, and provide a basis for
getting other services involved.
Professionals do not have to complete a CAF before making a child protection referral. If
they believe that a child is at risk of harm, they should act immediately in accordance with
LSCB procedures.
15 The Act defines a child as in need if: s/he is unlikely to achieve or maintain, or to have the opportunity of achieving
or maintaining, a reasonable standard of health or development without the provision of services by a local
authority; their health or development is likely to be significantly impaired, or further impaired, without the
provision of such services; and/or s/he is disabled. Children first: the child protection system in England 15
How child protection concerns are reported
23. A member of the public who has a concern about the welfare of a child can report their
concerns to:
• their local authority child protection team—a telephone number including an outof-hours contact should be publicly available;
• in case of an emergency, the police; or
• the NSPCC Helpline on 0808 800 5000.
24. Professionals who have regular contact with children have their own procedures. For
example, all schools must have a designated child protection teacher, who is approached in
the first instance. Health sector organisations similarly have designated nurses and doctors
who lead on child protection issues. It is not a legal requirement to report a child
protection concern, but guidance issued by professional bodies and LSCBs emphasises the
duty to make a referral where there is a reasonable belief that a child is at risk of significant
harm.
Referral to children’s social care
25. Referrals made to the police and the NSPCC Helpline are passed on to the local
authority child protection team. Once the team receives a referral, it must decide within
one working day what action to take: this is the only deadline set out in the revised
Working Together guidance. It may decide that the child has not been harmed, is not at risk
and no further action is necessary (although the case could be referred to other agencies if
appropriate). Alternatively, the team may decide that it needs to set in train a process of
further assessment to gather more information.
26. First, an initial assessment is carried out. Under guidance currently in place, this has to
be done within ten working days of the referral; this requirement has been removed from
the new draft guidance. If the initial assessment indicates that the child has suffered, or is at
risk of suffering significant harm, then a strategy discussion is held to decide whether to
initiate a section 47 enquiry.
16
This is carried out by means of a core assessment, which is
led by a child protection officer (social worker) and must be completed under current
guidance within 35 working days. It involves gathering more information from the child,
parents, family members and other professionals in order to determine whether the child is
in need or at risk of continuing harm. During both assessment processes the social worker
16 This refers to section 47 of The Children Act 1989, which puts a duty on local authorities to investigate any cases
where a child (who either lives in or is found in their area) is either:
• the subject of an emergency protection order; or
• is in police protection; or
• is suspected to be suffering, or likely to suffer, significant harm. 16 Children first: the child protection system in England
responsible for undertaking the assessment meets and gathers information from the child
and family members and liaises with other professionals who know the family, including
teachers, health visitors, police, and doctors.
27. If concerns are upheld by the section 47 enquiry, the local authority has to make
provision to protect that child. They do so by drawing up a child protection plan, which
contains provisions about the care and monitoring of that child. If a child is considered to
be at continuing risk, the local authority will make plans for them to be removed from their
family.
28. If at any point during the assessment process it becomes apparent that the child is in
immediate danger, the local authority’s assessment team can apply to the courts for an
emergency protection order. This allows a child to be removed from home for up to 8 days.
Another option is an exclusion order, which would ban the alleged abuser from the family
home but allow the child to stay with the non-abusive parent. The police are also able to
take immediate action themselves. This may involve removing the child to a place of safety
or preventing their removal from a safe place (for example, a hospital). The child may be
taken into police protection for a maximum of 72 hours, without first obtaining a court
order. This power may only be used in exceptional circumstances.
Child protection conferences and plans
29. A child protection conference is held when, following a section 47 enquiry, a child is
deemed to be at (continued) risk of significant harm. Currently, it must be held within 15
working days of the last strategy discussion. The conference should be attended by the
child protection officers, other relevant professionals who have been involved with the
assessment process, and family members. The child may be invited to attend if it is judged
they are of sufficient age and understanding.
30. The conference will lead to a decision whether or not to make a child subject to a child
protection plan. In April 2008 plans replaced the child protection register in England: the
criteria for making a child subject to a plan remained the same as for inclusion on the
register. Wherever possible, plans should be agreed by parents and professionals and state
what the intended short and long term outcomes are for the child, and how social services
will monitor the child's welfare, what changes are needed to reduce the risk to the child and
what support will be offered to the family. Local authority children’s services departments
oversee children in their area subject to child protection plans. Both children still living
with their parents and those looked-after by local authorities may be subject to protection
plans.
31. Under current guidance a child protection review conference must be held within three
months of the initial child protection conference, and further reviews should be held at
intervals of not more than six months for as long as the child remains subject to a
protection plan. Children first: the child protection system in England 17
Care proceedings
32. Children’s social services may ask the court to make temporary orders (called interim
care orders) while matters are investigated further. The local authority has to produce a
care plan, detailing where the child will live and arrangements for attending school and
seeing parents or family members. An interim care order is awarded for eight weeks in the
first instance, and then must be renewed every four weeks. Research by Professor Judith
Masson of the University of Bristol indicates that interim orders are used less frequently
now than in the recent past as a result of judicial interpretation of the Children Act 1989
from the mid 2000s onwards.
17
A further development is the use of a pre-proceedings
process which local authorities are expected to follow unless urgent action is required. It
appears that in fact there is “considerable variation” between local authorities in the ways
in which and how frequently this process is used.
18
33. If children’s services still think a care order is necessary, they will ask for a full care
order to be made. A care order gives the local authority parental responsibility for a child.
In theory, this parental responsibility is shared with the parents, but in practice, the local
authority has the power to determine the extent to which a parent or guardian is involved
with their child. To make a care order, the court must be convinced that the threshold
criteria set out in section 31 of the Children Act 1989 are met (that the child is suffering, or
likely to suffer, significant harm and that the harm is attributable to the parents or carers
not providing a reasonable standard of care). The court must also be convinced that
making an order is better for the child than making no order at all—the presumption of no
order.
34. Care proceedings are usually held in the Family Proceedings Court, where cases are
heard by a bench of three magistrates. This court is also responsible for awarding
emergency protection orders. More complex cases may be transferred to the county court
or high court. Once a care order is awarded, the care plan for the child will be
implemented. Depending on the circumstances of the individual, the child may continue to
live at home or be placed in kinship care (with other members of the family), foster care or
a residential children’s home or school. In some cases the care plan may contain plans to
return the child to their family, which may or may not result in the care order being
discharged. In circumstances where it would be unsafe for the child to return to live with
her/his natural parents or otherwise not in the child’s best interests, the local authority may
seek to have the child adopted. Following the Family Justice Review chaired by David
Norgrove the Government is bringing forward proposals to change care proceedings.
These changes include removing the need for regular renewals of interim care orders and
bringing together jurisdiction into a single Family Court, with the aim of speeding up
timescales for the resolution of cases involving children and families.
17 Ev w260, para 13
18 Ibid 18 Children first: the child protection system in England
Serious Case Reviews
35. When a child dies or sustains significant harm, and abuse or neglect are known or
suspected to have been a factor, the LSCB commissions a Serious Case Review (SCR).
19
SCRs are intended to identify lessons about how professionals and agencies work
individually and together to safeguard and promote the welfare of children, and to ensure
that interagency working is improved as a result. The Department for Education has
written to all LSCBs and local authorities asking them to publish in full the overview report
and executive summary of all SCRs initiated on or after 10 June 2010, except where there
are “compelling reasons relating to the welfare of any children directly concerned”. The
presumption is that the documents will be appropriately redacted, anonymised and
published in full except where it would affect the welfare of any surviving children and
their siblings.
36. Ofsted receives notifications from councils of serious incidents involving children and
evaluates the quality of Serious Case Reviews. Ofsted have been critical of the quality of
SCRs and the widespread delays in bringing them to a conclusion.
20
The Government has
accepted Professor Munro’s recommendation that Ofsted should cease to evaluate SCRs
and that systems methodology should be used to enhance the learning from when things
go wrong rather than (as currently) focusing on the analysis of error and apportionment of
blame.
Children in care and child protection figures
37. The number of children being referred to children’s services in England in recent years
has seen a small increase. Latest DfE figures show that there were 615,000 referrals to
children’s social care services in the year ending 31 March 2011, compared with 607,500 in
the year to 31 March 2010. There has been a more significant increase in the number of
initial assessments, which rose to 439,800 in the year to 31 March 2011, compared to
390,600 the previous year. There were 382,400 children in need as at 31 March 2011.
Across the country this represents 346.2 per 10,000 children but this varied from 171.3 per
10,000 in Wiltshire to 1272.4 per 10,000 in Haringey. Even more striking is the increase in
the number of children subject to child protection plans which rose from 35,700 as at 31
March 2010 to 42,700 as at 31 March 2011, an almost 20% increase. The number has
steadily increased since 2006, as shown in the following table:
19 Working Together to Safeguard Children (2010), p.17
20 See, for example, Ofsted, Learning Lessons, taking action (2008), Executive Summary, and Ofsted, Learning lessons
from serious case reviews 2009-10Children first: the child protection system in England 19
Table 1: Children and young people subject to a Child Protection Plan, by category of abuse, years
ending 31 March
21
Category of abuse 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Neglect 11,800 12,500 13,400 15,800 17,200 18,590
Physical abuse 3,600 3,500 3,400 4,400 4,700 4,820
Sexual abuse 2,300 2,000 2,000 2,000 2,200 2,370
Emotional abuse 6,000 7,100 7,900 9,100 11,400 11,420
Multiple 2,700 2,700 2,500 2,900 3,400 5,490
Total 26,400 27,900 29,200 34,100 39,100 42,690
38. The number of looked-after children in England continued to rise between 2011 and
2012. As at 31 March 2012 there were 67,050 looked-after children. 75% of these children
were living in a foster placement. For those children who started to be looked after during
the year, the main reason was abuse or neglect (56%). 27,350 children ceased to be lookedafter during the year ending 31 March 2012, and 28,220 entered care in that year, following
the established pattern that around two-fifths enter or leave care each year.
22
39. Care applications (‘section 31’ applications) are at a very high level. Between April and
July 2011 Cafcass received 3,213 new applications, 7.1% higher than the same period in
2010. During 2010–11 Cafcass experienced a 4% increase in care applications compared to
2009-10, which itself saw a 36% increase on the previous year.
23
40. 3,450 looked-after children were adopted during the year ending 31 March 2012, an
increase of 12% since 2011 and the highest figure since 2007. Of these 74% were between
one and four years old, with only 2% under a year old and a further 2% between 10 and
15.
24
The average age was 3 years, 8 months. The Government has published its Action
Plan for Adoption which contains proposals aimed at increasing the number of children
adopted.
25
21 Taken from NSPCC: Child Protection Register for England. Available at:
http://www.nspcc.org.uk/Inform/research/statistics/england_wdf49858.pdf; Department for Education (2010),
Children in Need in England, including their characteristics and further information on children who were the
subject of a child protection plan. Tables 16 and 17; and DfE (2012), Children looked after by local authorities in
England including adoption
22 DfE (2012), Children looked after by local authorities in England including adoption
23 CAFCASS (2011) ‘Cafcass Care Demand – Latest Figures for July 2011’
http://www.cafcass.gov.uk/PDF/July%20care%20demand%20update%202011%2008%2005.pdf
24 DfE (2012), Children looked after by local authorities in England including adoption
25 DfE (2012), Children looked after by local authorities in England including adoption20 Children first: the child protection system in England
2 Neglect
The definition of neglect
41. Neglect is the most common form of child abuse in England. Yet it can be hard to pin
down what is meant by the term. Professor Harriet Ward told us that, based on her
research into what was known about neglect and emotional abuse, “we definitely have a
problem with what constitutes neglect” and that “we need to know much more about what
we actually mean when we say neglect”.
26
Phillip Noyes of the NSPCC agreed that “There
is a dilemma with professionals, and indeed the public, about what comprises neglect, what
should be done and how we should do it”.
27
He went on to explain his belief that: “at the
heart of neglect [...] is a lack or loss of empathy between the parent and child”.
28
42. There are two statutory definitions of neglect: one for criminal and one for civil
purposes. Neglect is a criminal offence under the Children and Young Persons Act 1933
where it is defined as failure “to provide adequate food, clothing, medical aid or lodging for
[a child], or if, having been unable otherwise to provide such food, clothing, medical aid or
lodging, he has failed to take steps to procure it to be provided”.
29
Action for Children has
called for a review of this definition, declaring it “not fit for purpose” because of the focus
on physical neglect rather than emotional or psychological maltreatment.
30
Action for
Children also believe that the definition leaves parents unclear about their responsibilities
towards children and seeks only to punish parents after neglect has happened rather than
trying to improve parenting.
31
43. Some of our witnesses, including those from children’s charities, agreed on the need for
review and reform.
32
For example, the Chief Executive of CEOP and representative of
ACPO, Peter Davies, considered that both civil and criminal definitions “do need to be
clarified and tailored to be more relevant to the agency dealing” with the case.
33
The
RCPCH agreed that a review was necessary: specifically, “Failure to provide for a child’s
emotional, physical, nutritional and educational needs must be incorporated into the legal
definition.”
34
44. Others questioned whether the definition was in reality causing difficulties, since most
practitioners and the system operated on the basis of the civil definition (see below) and
had developed relatively sophisticated understanding of neglect. Professor Munro
26 Q 63
27 Q411 (Phillip Noyes)
28 Ibid
29 Children and Young Persons Act 1933, s.1
30 Action for Children, Keeping Children Safe: the case for reforming the law on child neglect (2012)
31 Ibid
32 See for example responses from NSPCC, the Children’s Society and Barnardo’s, Q417
33 Ev 190
34 Ev 259 Children first: the child protection system in England 21
commented that “You would make a lot of lawyers very rich for a very long time if you
tried to come up with a legal definition that captured the complexity of the scenarios that
in reality you have to deal with”.
35
Judge Crichton told us “there is a huge danger in trying
to over-define what we are talking about. It is a bit like describing an elephant: it is not easy
to sit here and describe them, but my God, if one comes through the door I know one
when I see one. Neglect is in that category.”
36
It is worth noting perhaps that these views
came from those primarily involved with the civil courts rather than the criminal system.
45. The Minister told us that the Department had “looked into” the 1933 definition as a
result of the Action for Children campaign. The conclusion reached was that “the
overwhelming view was that the law is not being interpreted in a 1933 fashion” and that
“The way the law operates in courts is fit for purpose in 2012”.
37
He was concerned that
changing the definition in the way suggested “on the face of it, [...] would be a charter for
lawyers to look at the law”.
38
In light of the concern expressed to us and the growing
awareness of the importance of recognising neglect, we believe that there is a strong
argument for a more thorough examination of the issues involved. We recommend that
the Government investigate thoroughly whether the narrow scope of the definition
contained in the Children and Young Persons Act 1933 is causing problems in bringing
criminal cases of neglect.
46. The civil definition of neglect which is used in child and family law is set out in the
Children Act 1989 as part of the test of ‘significant harm’ to a child. This is expanded upon
in the previous Working Together statutory guidance which describes neglect as:
the persistent failure to meet a child’s basic physical and/or psychological needs,
likely to result in the serious impairment of the child’s health or development.
Neglect may occur during pregnancy as a result of maternal substance abuse. Once a
child is born, neglect may involve a parent or carer failing to provide adequate food,
clothing and shelter (including exclusion from home or abandonment); protect a
child from physical and emotional harm or danger; ensure adequate supervision
(including the use of inadequate care-givers); or ensure access to appropriate medical
care or treatment. It may also include neglect of, or unresponsiveness to, a child’s
basic emotional needs.
This description is repeated in the draft statutory guidance on Managing individual cases:
the Framework for the Assessment of Children in Need and their Families which
accompanies the new redraft of the main Working Together document issued in June 2012.
47. We heard calls for the civil definition of neglect also to be reviewed. The NSPCC
pointed out that the two definitions “are slightly at odds with each other” and that “in
criminal law, wilfulness is relevant but in civil law, it is not”.
39
Mr Noyes explained that,
35 Q715
36 Q766
37 Q 849
38 Ibid
39 Qq 411, 413 22 Children first: the child protection system in England
with the civil definition, “the critical words are around persistent failure and obviously to
do with significant harm. How you judge how persistent is persistent, and what counts as a
failure is really a matter of judgment, but motivation does not come into it”.
40
He
suggested that “it is the right time to review the definitions in both criminal and civil
legislation by a really serious think nationally about best practice that would drive both
civil and criminal definitions”.
41
48. Asked how the definition should be revised, Enver Solomon of the Children’s Society
told us that “one of the key issues around improving the definition is to look at how it
better captures the need to take into account young people’s age and development”.
42
The
intention would be not to create a series of definitions but instead “a specific overall
definition [...and] a recognition within setting out the definition of the differential issues
around age development”.
43
In particular, this could address concerns in respect of
adolescents: both in terms of defining what kinds of treatment constitutes neglect of this
age group, and of professionals’ ability to recognise neglect in young people and take
action. Others considered that a change to differential definitions may not be the right
approach. For example, Peter Davies of CEOP/ACPO told us that “we would strongly
recommend that the definitions are not age specific and should be focused around signs of
vulnerability” because “imposing age related thresholds for what constitutes neglect may
cause indicators of this to be missed”.
44
49. Picking up the concerns raised by Action for Children in connection with the criminal
definition, we also explored in evidence whether it would be useful to set out in statute a
statement of what constituted positive parenting. This approach has been adopted in
Scotland. On the whole, witnesses were not enthusiastic about the idea. While accepting
that “the Children Act [...] concentrates on omission or failure—gross acts of bad
behaviour by parents”, Phillip Noyes of the NSPCC did not know that the parental
responsibility provision in Scotland “has proved particularly useful, other than as a marker
for what appropriate parental behaviour is”.
45
There is, however, evidence that parent
training programmes can be effective in tackling neglect.
46
Mr Noyes suggested that this
should start at school and continue through into early help programmes.
47
Sue Woolmore,
Chair of the Independent Chairs of LSCB Network, said: “if I had a magic wand, I would
use it to help children and young people start understanding what being a parent is about
and what the needs of young children are”.
48
Professor Munro also considered that the
available money should be targeted on helping parents improve their parenting skills.
49
It
40 Q413
41 Q 413 [Phillip Noyes]
42 Q413 [Enver Solomon]
43 Q 414
44 Ev 228
45 Q 415
46 Q86 [Professor Biehal]
47 Q416 [Phillip Noyes]
48 Q589
49 Q742 [Professor Munro] Children first: the child protection system in England 23
would seem likely that a statutory provision relating to positive parenting would achieve
rather less than an active programme teaching parents what it means.
50. We have seen no convincing evidence that the civil definition of neglect, as set out in
the Children Act 1989 and interpreted by the statutory Working Together guidance, is
insufficient. Nor are we persuaded that age-specific definitions are workable or desirable.
Although there are clearly different considerations in determining whether a young child
or a teenager is suffering from neglect, we consider that there are more effective ways of
tackling awareness and taking action for this latter group as we argue later in this report.
We see no reason, therefore, to review the civil definition at this time and we welcome the
repetition of the definition in the new Managing individual cases document.
The long-term consequences of neglect
51. There is overwhelming academic and research evidence of the long-term damage of
neglect,
50
echoed in written submissions to our inquiry. The NSPCC has set out some of
the known effects on children’s development:
Apart from being potentially fatal, neglect causes great distress to children and is
believed to lead to poor outcomes in the short- and long-term. Possible
consequences include an array of health and mental health problems, difficulties in
forming attachment and relationships, lower educational achievements, an increased
risk of substance misuse, higher risk of experiencing abuse as well as difficulties in
assuming parenting responsibilities later on in life (Taylor & Bridge 2005). Glaser’s
(2000) review of work carried out in the fields of neuro-biology and developmental
psychology showed that emotional neglect can have adverse effects on the
development of a child’s brain. A longitudinal study on children whose mothers were
neglectful and emotionally unavailable indicated that children grew up to be socially
withdrawn, inattentive and cognitively underachieving in their elementary-school
years (Erickson & Egeland 1996).
51
52. The RCPCH told us: “We know that neglect damages children’s development and has
neurobiological consequences and we know that the effects of neglect are cumulative and
pervasive. Early recognition is necessary to avoid long term damage. The risk of fatalities is
high and may be as high as other forms of abuse. Neglect also causes children to have low
self esteem, feel isolated, disengaged and socially disconnected. Adolescent neglect is also
widespread and can be linked to suicide and death or serious injury from risk-taking
behaviour.”
52
The National Association of Head Teachers described the long term effects of
neglect as just as “catastrophic for children and young people as other forms of abuse” and
highlighted the impact upon education as well as wider behaviour such as chaotic drug and
50 See, for example, Studies in Safeguarding across services (2011) and Action for Children research (2012)
51 NSPCC, child protection research briefing: neglect, p.10
52 Ev 222 24 Children first: the child protection system in England
alcohol use, violence, criminal behaviours, early sexualisation and vulnerability to
exploitation”.
53
The scale of neglect
53. Department for Education statistics show neglect was the most common reason for
children to become subject to a child protection plan, accounting for almost 43% of cases
(to March 2011). A major prevalence study of child abuse and neglect, published by the
NSPCC last year, found neglect to be the most prevalent type of maltreatment in the family
for all age groups: 5% of under 11s, 13.3% of 11–17 year olds and 16% of 18–24 year olds
had been neglected at some point in their childhoods. Severe neglect was experienced by
3.7% of under 11s, 9.8% of 11–17 year olds and 9% of 18–24 year olds at some time during
childhood.
54
This was reflected in Action for Children research which showed that up to
10% children suffering neglect.
55
Action for Children also found that the majority of
professionals have come into contact with children who have experienced neglect,
including 81% of primary school staff, 69% of health professionals and 67% of preschool/nursery staff.
56
Neglect is the most common feature in all Serious Case Reviews
(Ofsted); and the most common concern for adults contacting NSPCC.
57
Social work
involvement in cases of neglect was vividly portrayed in the 2012 BBC television series
Protecting Our Children.
54. However, these figures may not give an accurate picture of the scale of neglect. Often
neglect is the main issue and the one recorded for a child protection plan, but neglect
rarely occurs in isolation and there are usually other abuses occurring concurrently. It is
also easy to use neglect as a ‘catch-all’ category for maltreatment which does not easily fit
another category.
58
As the Minister told us, “there is a whole host of dynamics going on
within a family and it just happens that neglect appears to be the most appropriate tag to
put on a child, but there may be some physical abuse that is lurking behind it as well”.
59
These variations and uncertainties are borne out in the very variable rates of neglect
reported by different local authorities: statistics for children who were the subject of a child
protection plan in the year ending 31 March 2009 show that the proportion varied from
one quarter of all cases to over two thirds.
60
This means that it is difficult to be certain of
prevalence. It is likely that quite different incidents and patterns of maltreatment are being
classified as neglect in different areas. We recommend that the Government commission
research to investigate whether similar situations and behaviours are being classified as
neglect in different local authorities.
53 Ev w198
54 NSPCC, Child abuse and neglects in the UK today, (September 2011), p.43:
http://www.nspcc.org.uk/Inform/research/findings/child_abuse_neglect_research_PDF_wdf84181.pdf
55 Action for Children (2009), Child neglect: Experiences from the frontline
56 Ibid
57 NSPCC, as above
58 See, for example, analysis of neglect by Professor Elaine Farmer for the DfE
59 Q848 [Tim Loughton]
60 http://www.education.gov.uk/researchandstatistics/statistics/statistics-bytopic/childrenandfamilies/safeguarding/a00196158/referrals-assessments-and-children-who-are-the-sub Children first: the child protection system in England 25
55. There is also reason to believe that the recent increase in cases may not reflect a real
change in the prevalence of neglect amongst families. Both academic and charity witnesses
suggested that the rise over several years in the number of children starting on child
protection plan for neglect may suggest that the system is getting better at recognising and
acting on neglect, rather than an increase in prevalence.
61
The Minister agreed.
62
56. We heard concern that the incidence of neglect may be expected to rise as a result of
the current economic climate. Professor Ward told us that the numbers “are likely to
increase with increased unemployment, with the number of negative factors that are likely
to occur as a result of the economic situation”, although she counterbalanced this with the
observation that “there is evidence to suggest that when times are bad, in fact referrals
decrease because as a population we become more accepting of low standards”.
63
In her
progress report Professor Munro noted that “although parents on low incomes can provide
excellent care, it is well established that poverty correlates with neglect in particular and so
there might be an increase in referrals because of this”.
64
57. The Minister readily accepted that “it is no great science to suggest that economic
pressures at the moment are not making it easier for domestic situations, and that there is a
greater likelihood that that stress and frustration might manifest themselves in all forms of
abuse within that family, including neglect of the children themselves”.
65
He added that he
“would like to see some empirical evidence to show whether or not benefit changes are
going to have an impact on that”, and suggested that evidence of the impact of the
economic situation and Government legislation was information which could be gathered
and passed on by LSCBs
Neglecting neglect
58. Given the seriousness of the long-term consequences of neglect, the impact of a delay in
intervention where there is evidence of neglect is very high indeed. Yet the NSPCC has
claimed that “neglect has been neglected” and identified neglect as one of its seven priority
areas for action between now and 2016.
66
Evidence strongly suggested that professionals
are often uncertain in identifying neglect, and lack the confidence needed to intervene until
neglect reaches unacceptable levels. Academic witnesses spoke of strings of “quite shocking
examples of practices that have gone on for years and years before something happened”
and suggested several possible reasons for this.
67
Professor Ward pointed out that “the
problem is that pretty well all parents neglect their children up to a certain point. What we
do not really understand is the point at which it becomes unacceptable and the point at
61 Q64 [Dr Brandon]; Q 411 [Phillip Noyes, NSPCC]
62 Q841
63 Q64 [Professor Ward]
64 Munro Progress Report, paragraph 3.14
65 Q801 [Tim Loughton]
66 NSPCC, http://www.nspcc.org.uk/what-we-do/the-work-we-do/priorities-and-programmes/intro-topriorities/intro_wda86208.html
67 Q63 26 Children first: the child protection system in England
which it will have long-term adverse consequences”.
68
Another academic expert, Dr
Brandon, argued that “because often the families where there is neglect are very
complicated, difficult and confusing for practitioners, they can overwhelm individuals
working with families, so they fail to see what is in front of them”.
69
Other witnesses
pointed to cultural difficulties in defining neglect and the added complication of
identifying neglect in families living in poverty.
70
The neglect of older children in particular
has been poorly understood.
59. NSPCC research in 2010 concluded that social workers were failing to respond
adequately when they came across children who were showing signs of neglect. The
research analysed a sample of 50 serious case reviews in which neglect had been found at
some point in the lives of those who had died, and found that the average length of time
between concern of neglect first being raised and the child’s death was 13 months. The
NSPCC called for an overhaul of guidance to social workers, arguing that, at present, they
are encouraged to adopt an approach of “waiting for neglect to persist” before
intervening.
71
60. There was general agreement that a failure to act on neglect was often the result of a
system which looked for “a trigger” for action and that assessment procedures have given
undue weight to incidents of abuse at the expense of patterns of neglect. The inability of the
system to respond to patterns rather than incidents is also highlighted by Munro.
72
Yet, as
Professor Ward and Rebecca Brown at Loughborough University pointed out, neglect is a
“chronic, corrosive condition which may deteriorate over a long period without reaching a
specific crisis, such as a baby being locked up alone overnight or abandoned in a shop, that
might prompt specific action”.
73
Research by the University into infants suffering harm
over time also identified the difficulties faced by professionals in balancing support for the
family unit and protecting the children, concluding that:
Almost all professionals did everything they could to keep families together. Parents
were given repeated opportunities to prove they could look after a child [...]
However, in the drive to ensure that parents’ rights were properly respected,
children’s needs could be overlooked. This was particularly true for the many
children who suffered from long-term, chronic neglect while professionals waited for
parents to overcome their difficulties and provide them with ‘good enough’ care. A
number of these were younger siblings of children who had already been removed.
74
68 Q 63 [Professor Ward]
69 Q63 [Dr Brandon]
70 For example, Ev w38 [Family Rights Group]
71 NSPCC, January 2010
72 Munro Progress Report; Q715
73 Ev 178
74 Loughborough (2010), Infants suffering, or likely to suffer, significant harm: a longitudinal study, p.4 Children first: the child protection system in England 27
Furthermore, Professor Ward’s submission also noted that “practitioners who work with
extremely disadvantaged families can become inured to the evidence of neglect because
they see so much of it”.
75
61. Such evidence suggests that children are left in neglectful situations too long after they
have come to the attention of professionals. The Magistrates’ Association told us that
“magistrates are faced on many occasions with cases of neglect where there has been an
extensive chronology of a referral being made, some work being done then the case being
closed and for this pattern to repeat itself several times over a period of years and
eventually for care proceedings to be sought”.
76
The recent Family Justice Review also
concluded that “evidence suggests that local authorities can wait too long before they start
proceedings and are not always sufficiently focused on children’s timescales,
underestimating the impact of long term neglect and emotional abuse”.
77
The review called
for the revised Working Together guidance to “emphasise the importance of the child’s
timescales and the appropriate use of proceedings in planning for children and in
structured child protection activities”.
78
We note that instead the timescales for assessment
are being removed entirely from the revised Working Together.
62. There is reason for cautious optimism that these difficulties may be in the process of
being addressed. The increase in child protection plans for neglect may indicate a change
in the trend to earlier recognition and intervention. This is supported by the recent Cafcass
study comparing care applications in November 2011 with those in the same period in
2008 which concluded that:
There is a greater prevalence of neglect in this sample than the 2009 study, and the
children subject to Child Protection Plans (under the category of neglect) have been
known to local authorities for less time than was previously the case. This would
suggest that neglect is now being acted upon more quickly, and applications in which
neglect is a feature are being made at an earlier stage than was the case three or more
years ago.
79
63. Several witnesses suggested that a greater understanding of child development would
help professionals recognise neglect and therefore take action to tackle it more effectively.
The current deficit in understanding was commonly traced to training for social workers.
For example, academics from Loughborough and York told us that “social work training
has focused on skills for too long [...] there is a lot of evidence that the knowledge base
needs to be improved” and that “the evidence suggests that social workers are not learning
enough about childhood development. They do not have some of the factual information
at their fingertips that would enable them to make better judgments”.
80
The Children’s
Society and Barnardo’s agreed that “training and professional development [of social
75 Ev 178
76 Ev w84
77 Family Justice Review: Final Report, p15
78 Ibid
79 Three weeks in November ... three years on ... Cafcass care application study 2012, p.ii
80 Q86 [Professor Ward} 28 Children first: the child protection system in England
workers] could be substantially improved” in relation to child development, emotional,
intellectual and behavioural developments, and how parental behaviour impacts on those.
81
Kate Wallace added that “training [...] particularly in terms of development, attachment
and the impact of neglect” should be a key area for the College of Social Work to focus
on.
82
64. This argument has been accepted by other reviews of the profession. For example, the
Munro review argued that the professional capabilities being developed for child and
family social work must include knowledge of child development and attachment and
knowledge of the impact of child abuse and neglect on children in both the short and long
term and into adulthood.
83
Dame Moira Gibb, who chaired the Social Work Reform Board,
acknowledged that “There has been less focus than necessary on child development” in
social worker training.
84
We were told that child development is currently included in some
social work training but not all.
85
65. The new curriculum being developed by the College of Social Work will emphasise
child development, but a consistent approach is needed across all teaching institutions. An
understanding of the long-term developmental consequences of neglect and the
urgency of early intervention should be built into child protection training and
guidance for all front-line professionals, including those in health and education. This
would mean a strong focus, both in initial training and in continuing professional
development (CPD) courses, on normal child development, in terms of emotional,
intellectual, behavioural and physical development, and the impact upon it of parental
behaviour, including neglect. The training should extend to the developmental impact
of neglect on adolescents and the potential long-term effects for this group of children.
It would be highly advantageous for CPD in this area to be offered to professionals
from different disciplines training together, and we call on the Government and the
College of Social Work to take this forward.
66. In common with all our witnesses and previous reviews, we are concerned that the
system—and to some extent professional practice—has been geared to recognising
emergency incidents, rather than more enduring patterns, of maltreatment and that this
has contributed to children being left in neglectful situations too long, with social workers
waiting for a ‘trigger’ incident to intervene. We welcome the steps that are being taken to
alter this situation. We believe that the needs of children and the importance of acting
quickly to secure early intervention for children are all too often not given enough
priority. Securing positive outcomes and meeting the needs of the child should come
before all other considerations. There needs to be a continued shift in culture so that
there is earlier protection and safeguarding of the long-term needs of the child.
81 Q436 [Enver Solomon]
82 Q436 [Kate Wallace]
83 Munro Review, para 6.41
84 Q680 [Dame Moira Gibb]
85 Ev w167, w66 Children first: the child protection system in England 29
67. We recommend that Cafcass continue to monitor the responsiveness of local
authorities to neglect through the timeliness and quality of care applications. If there
are signs that improvement is not being sustained, the Government must be prepared
to act to ensure that local authorities respond promptly in cases of neglect.
Domestic violence and neglect
68. As with other forms of abuse, domestic violence, mental health problems and drug and
alcohol abuse are major risk factors for neglect.
86
The recent Cafcass study found that in the
cases which led to care applications between 11 and 30 November 2011 “a parent had been
the victim of domestic violence in 60.1% of cases and the perpetrator of domestic violence
in 40.3% of cases”.
87
69. Anecdotal evidence suggests that a number of local authorities semi-automatically
classify children as ‘neglected’ when there is domestic violence in the household,
categorising the non-abusive parent’s (usually the mother’s) ‘failure to protect’ a child from
witnessing domestic violence as a form of emotional harm. This interpretation has been
challenged for blaming the abused parent (usually mother), themselves at significant risk,
rather than tackling the abuser. More generally, mothers experiencing domestic violence
are often blamed for ‘failing to protect’ their children, and children taken away, despite
evidence that they are able to be adequate parents if supported properly.
88
John Hemming
MP pointed to “a great fear among women about reporting domestic violence, because
they feel that they will lose their children if they report domestic violence”.
89
This is despite
current domestic violence policy suggesting that the emotional harm arising to a child
witnessing domestic violence can be best mitigated by supporting the non-abusive parent.
90
70. Evidence from domestic violence charities also highlighted the conflicting messages
sent by the courts regarding the safety of children and of women. Asked about the conflict
between child contact and domestic violence policies, Joanna Sharpen from Against
Violence and Abuse (AVA) told us:
Unfortunately they are not very well co-ordinated. We know that domestic violence
is present in two thirds of all serious case reviews into child deaths or serious injury,
and we know of children who are killed or seriously abused during contact visits [...]
often a woman will leave for the sake of protecting her children, and then she is put
in the impossible position where the courts are saying, “But the children must have
contact with this man who is too dangerous to live with”. What kind of message is
that giving her?
91
86 Barnardo’s (Q415ff)
87 Three weeks in November ... three years on, p.21
88 Q425 {Kate Wallace]; Q273 [Joanna Sharpen]
89 Q380 [John Hemming]
90 Ibid., pp.5-6
91 Q273 30 Children first: the child protection system in England
71. Women’s Aid proposed that “Where domestic violence is identified as a factor in
neglect cases, the mother and her children should both receive support and referral to
specialist support services to address the domestic violence”.
92
The Minister agreed that “I
would be very cautious about the victims of domestic violence being labelled as neglectful
of their children as well” and cited examples of good practice where “a very experienced
domestic violence specialist social worker” had possessed “the knowledge and experience
as to how to deal with a difficult domestic violence situation where, clearly, the victim
parent needed some serious support and did not need to be labelled”.
93
72. In cases of domestic violence, there should be no presumption that an abused
parent cannot be a good parent. Wherever possible, the focus should be on supporting
that parent and helping them to protect their children themselves, rather than on
removing the children. But the interests of the children must come first. Guidance and
specialised training in this sensitive area should be reviewed and updated and
highlighted to all social workers. The Department for Education must liaise more
closely with the Home Office on issues relating to child protection and domestic abuse.
92 Ev 179
93 Q851 Children first: the child protection system in England 31
3 Older children
Vulnerability of older children
73. Under section 11 of the Children Act 2004 local authorities have a statutory duty to
“safeguard and promote the welfare of children in need” at all ages up to 18 years old.
Within this age range Ofsted has identified the two most vulnerable groups as being babies
under one year old and, perhaps surprisingly, older children aged 14 and upwards.
94
Ofsted notes that of 471 serious case reviews conducted between April 2007 and March
2011, 111 (24%) were of children aged 14 or older.
95
Drawing on these reviews, it
concluded that “There is less commonality of experience for older children within the child
protection system [...] the complexity and range of risk factors facing teenagers, as
highlighted in the evaluations, included: alienation from families; school difficulties;
accommodation problems; abuse by adults; unemployment; drug and alcohol misuse;
emotional and mental health difficulties; domestic abuse in the home; reactions to
bereavement; and risks linked to adults’ misuse of the internet”.
96
74. Ofsted’s findings are supported by other research into the prevalence of abuse amongst
young people. For example, the NSPCC found that there were as many entries concerning
10 to 15-year-olds in the Child Protection Register in England (now replaced by child
protection plans) as there were concerning 1 to 4- year-olds and 5 to 9-year-olds.
97
75. In many cases older children may have lived with abuse and neglect for their entire
lives. Women’s Aid pointed out that “older young people are likely to display a wide range
of effects of abuse and neglect” and cited the research findings of Brandon et al that “longterm neglect and abuse had led to self-harm and suicide attempts in older young people the
subject of serious case reviews”.
98
There is also widespread evidence that young people in
abusive situation can often accept their situation as normal. The Railway Children charity
investigated the lives of 100 young people who had been on the streets for four weeks or
more in 2009 and found amongst many “there was a sense of [...] ‘this is how it is’ [...] Some
had very few expectations or ideas that life could or should be different”.
99
Academic
research confirmed that “adolescents do not always understand that neglectful behaviour is
happening, because they accept it as the norm”.
100
Professor Ward told us “In studies we
did of children in the care system, in abusive placements, quite often the children came up
94 Ev 213
95 Ibid
96 ibid
97 NSPCC, Child protection research briefing: neglect. See also figures cited earlier on the prevalence of child abuse and
neglect amongst 11-24 year olds.
98 Ev w179, citing Brandon, M., Belderson, P., Warren, C., Howe, D., Gardner, R., Dodsworth, J. and Black, J., (2008),
Analysing child deaths and serious injury through abuse and neglect: what can we learn? A Biennial analysis of
serious case reviews 2003-2005, Nottingham, DCSF
99 Ev 206
100 Q97 [Professor Ward, quoting research by Mike Stein on neglected adolescents] 32 Children first: the child protection system in England
with really astonishing remarks that made it evident that they had not understood that they
were being treated very badly”.
101
76. The NSPCC expressed concern that
the child protection system is geared towards meeting the needs of younger children
meaning that older young people may not be having their needs met.
102
Research by The Children’s Society found that referring professionals “perceived children’s
social care services as being less likely to take action in cases involving older young people,
particularly for young people aged 15 years and over. Issues around defining and
prosecuting cases of neglect and emotional abuse were highlighted as the most problematic
in terms of identifying whether or not they would meet local authority thresholds”.
103
Its
submission concluded that:
• Young people are not being identified as at risk by professionals and are often
perceived as more resilient or able to cope with situations compared to younger
children;
• Young people are less likely to receive a children protection response from Children’s
Social Care, they are more likely to receive an assessment through a ‘child in need’
referral or through the Common Assessment Framework (CAF).
• There is a lack of specialist early intervention services for vulnerable teenagers.
• Universal services have a vital role in identifying young people in need of additional
support, however there is a lack of training and awareness amongst professionals of the
specific needs of older young people.
• There are differences in response between and within different Children’s Social Care
services to young people aged 11–17 years old who have been maltreated.
104
77. Survey research in 2004 of the assessment procedures of 24 local authorities found that
the age of the young person was one of two factors (along with reason for referral)
associated with the likelihood of cases progressing from referral to initial assessment. The
likelihood was lower for referrals relating to young people aged 15 and over.
105
A study
conducted by York University found that it took much longer for adolescents to get an
assessment and a child protection inquiry.
106
78. Railway Children argued that teenagers approaching their 16
th
birthday are particularly
vulnerable: “we are concerned about the safeguarding of adolescents in particular.
101 Q97 [Professor Ward]
102 Ev 217
103 Ev w169
104 Ev w67
105 Ev 221, citing Cleaver and Walker (2004)
106 Q94 [Professor Biehal] Children first: the child protection system in England 33
Anecdotally we hear of teenagers approaching their 16
th
birthday being left in risky home
situations, due to local authorities not wanting to take them into care as they will then need
to be responsible for them until they are 21”.
107
Academic research bears out the concerns
about the low number of older children taken into care. A paper by Professor June
Thoburn shows that, internationally, the UK takes a smaller proportion of 15-16 year olds
into care compared to other countries.
108
Although definitions of care vary, this suggests
that the system in England may be reluctant to consider care at this age. We heard from
some of the children we met that children’s services had seemed to turn a blind eye to their
needs, and/or made inadequate provision.
79. Ofsted noted that “young people who need protection and who are aged between 16
and 18 can experience the particular vulnerability of not receiving appropriate services
because they fall between adult and children’s services”.
109
It pointed out that older children
are often in contact with a wider range of agencies than younger ones (for whom it is
mainly health): “children’s social care, health, the police and education, practitioners from
the Connexions service, the Youth Offending service, the Probation service, drug and
alcohol misuse services, leaving care services, housing, and CAMHS may all be involved.
Commonly, young people ‘bounced’ around the system, with no one agency taking overall
responsibility for their welfare or holding a comprehensive understanding of their
needs”.
110
If care is not considered as an option before 18, these young people often do not
meet the definition of adult social care of ‘vulnerable adults’ once they turn 18 and local
authorities have no responsibility for them.
Professionals’ perceptions of older children
80. The NSPCC told us that “there is evidence to suggest that social services often prioritise
provision to younger children because they consider older children to be more resilient
and more able to cope with the effects of abuse”.
111
Enver Solomon of the Children’s
Society quoted a professional who said “We can’t rush out to a 16 year old who’s perhaps
sofa-surfing and perhaps experimenting with drugs and getting into crime, you know that’s
a big worry, but we can’t prioritise that when we’re working with 0 to 5 year olds in, you
know, some pretty dire situations.”
112
The Society’s work showed that “11 to 17-year-olds
were seen as more competent to deal with maltreatment, including being able to escape the
situation and seek help”.
113
Sue Woolmore, Chair of the Independent LSCB Chairs’
Network, agreed that adolescents were “often seen as being more self-reliant, more
resilient”, with the result that neglect of this age group tended to be neglected.
114
A point
107 Ev 221
108 Thoburn, J., Globalisation and Child Welfare: Some lessons from a cross-national study of children in out-of-home
care, Social Work Monographs, UEA Norwich, first published 2007
109 Ev 213
110 Ev 213-4
111 Ev 217
112 Q442
113 Ibid
114 Q588 34 Children first: the child protection system in England
made by many witnesses, including young people informally, was that practitioners tend to
assume that children are making choices relevant to their chronological age, when in fact
they are functioning at a younger emotional or developmental age. BASW expressed
concern that this tendency “leaves some young people without the adult care and
protection they need”.
115
81. The Children’s Society identified “a common professional view that the effects of
maltreatment are less severe for older young people than for younger children”.
116
The
Society points out that this view “is not [...] well supported by the limited research evidence
that exists on this topic” and calls for what evidence there is to be “more effectively
disseminated to practitioners and commissioners” and for “its implications for training,
practice and service provision [to be] fully considered”.
117
82. It is apparent from the experience of those who have worked in and with the system,
and of young people who have had contact with it, that practitioners currently have
insufficient training in the specific issues surrounding older children and their need for
protection. Both the College of Social Work, in outlining curricula, and individual
institutions delivering social work training must ensure that teaching delivers an
understanding of the effect of maltreatment on older children, their ability to cope with
it and the long-term implications for their future well-being.
Behavioural issues and child protection
83. Older children in need often present as ‘badly behaved’: whether in trouble with the
criminal justice system, abusing drugs or alcohol, going missing, truanting, self-harming,
or in other ways. We heard that this can mask their vulnerability, and lead professionals to
‘blame’ or judge the children. Andy McCullough of the Railway Children told us that “by
the time you get to 14 or 15 [...] you have lost trust in the adults around you, because you
have been let down on a number of occasions. Your behaviour, and how you act out that
trauma, becomes the focus, rather than what has caused that trauma”.
118
Enver Solomon of
the Children’s Society elaborated:
Older children in particular are very reluctant to disclose and share information, and
their behaviours that are a response to being in a risky situation are often
misunderstood as them acting out and misbehaving, rather than them being at risk.
Their behaviours are labelled as risky, rather than a consequence of being at risk.
119
Often behavioural issues can be a response to being in a risky situation; it is a ‘cry for help’.
In particular, the Children’s Society recommended that “running away must be recognised
as an early indication that a child is at risk”.
120
115 Supplementary Evidence from BASW
116 Ev 188
117 Ibid
118 Q322
119 Q416 {Enver Solomon]
120 Ev w167 Children first: the child protection system in England 35
84. The picture with families can also be more complex, with parents sometimes seeking
the removal of an older child with behavioural problems. The Office of the Children’s
Commissioner points out that this situation creates “a very different context from that
where there is commitment to keeping a child”, requiring a different kind of response.
121
The number of older children subject to voluntary care orders under section 20, as
opposed to compulsory care orders, bears this out. One large study found that 57% of those
first admitted to the care system when aged 11 or over were voluntarily accommodated,
compared to 21% of those aged 10 or under.
122
However, Professor Biehal cited research
which showed that in many cases where parents asked for their adolescents to be taken into
care because of behavioural problems, “ongoing or past abuse and neglect was
occurring”.
123
She commented that “Something was being presented as a behaviour
problem that had underlying histories of abuse and neglect [...] emotional abuse, and
domestic violence as part of the pattern, but it had not been recognised”, leading to an
inappropriate response on the part of children’s social care.
124
85. Professor Munro suggested that, in addition to expertise amongst social workers, there
is an important role for managers in supportively questioning the assessment of their
front-line professionals in relation to ‘badly-behaving’ teenagers:
handling the fact that they are behaving badly and deserve our understanding and
help requires maturity and people being supported to work that way. If they come
back from an interview with a young boy and they are obviously irritated by him,
their supervisors should challenge them about that and say, “Okay. He is irritating;
he is a teenager, but so what? What’s happening to him? What is his home life like?”
To me, it comes back to expertise and being able to work knowing that people have
good and bad in them.
125
86. Judging the behaviour rather than the background of the child can also be a feature of
state agencies in their dealings with groups of older children in particular circumstances.
For example, trafficked children found in criminal contexts (such as cannabis factories or
the sex trade) may still be treated by the authorities as perpetrators of crime first and
victims of abuse second. The same applies to trafficked and refugee children who are
treated as immigration offenders first, and abused children second. Judith Dennis of the
Refugee Council told us that “we have the situation that lots of social workers believe they
cannot care for a separated, unaccompanied child with insecure immigration status until
they have claimed asylum”.
126
She described this as “ludicrous” and points out that it puts
the children at risk of exploitation or homelessness.
87. Enver Solomon of the Children’s Society was “very clear” that “this is not about making
excuses for behaviour. This is about addressing a young person’s behaviour that is putting
121 Ev w151
122 The Pursuit of Permanence: A Study of the English Care System, Ian Sinclair et al, London: Jessica Kingsley, p38
123 Q94 [Professor Biehal]
124 Ibid
125 Q718
126 Q308 36 Children first: the child protection system in England
them in dangerous situations and potentially causing harm to others and ensuring that it is
addressed in the most effective way”.
127
What may seem to be ‘bad’ behaviour amongst
older children, in particular going missing, truanting and self-harm, may often—though
not always—mask underlying problems and be a symptom that a child is at risk. With
adolescents, who can be challenging to work with, the role of social work and other
managers in being a critical friend and challenging the initial judgements of their front-line
professionals can be vital in digging beneath the presenting behaviour. Practitioners of all
disciplines, including social workers, the police, GPs and others, must demonstrate
greater awareness of the fact that older children may also be vulnerable and be a ‘child
in need’. The Government and LSCBs should remind practitioners of their statutory
duty to assess the needs of those children and to offer support.
Care options
88. Our visits to Barnsley and to North Tyneside highlighted that older children placed in
foster care often experience a series of placements. A few are adopted but, as was pointed
out to us by the Government’s Adviser on Adoption, Martin Narey, adoption is seldom
considered as an option for older children, and for children who were unlikely to be
adopted, “special guardianship is frequently a better option”.
128
A further option is care in
a children’s home. There have been serious concerns raised recently about this range of
options and its impact upon children. A recent All Party Parliamentary Group report
found that “many older children with complex needs are placed in poor quality and
unsuitable care placements”
129
and that older children who are in care are often placed in
residential homes as a placement of “last resort”.
130
The Deputy Children’s Commissioner
has also noted that “most of those in residential care are aged 12 and over with the peak age
range being 14 to 16 years old.”
131
She went on to observe that “placement in residential
care often occurs either following multiple placement breakdowns, or following a child’s
late arrival into care with longstanding unrecognised problems.”
132
89. From our discussions with young people, we heard first-hand experience of older
children being placed in hostels or similar accommodation where the level of support they
needed because of their vulnerability could not be provided. This was a particular problem
where the age of the young person was in dispute.
133
The Deputy Children’s Commissioner
has expressed “grave concern” about children aged 16 and over being housed in foyer, bed
and breakfast and hostel accommodation which places them at significant risk.
134
She
127 Q444
128 Q352
129 The APPG for Runaway and Missing Children and Adults and the APPG for Looked After Children and Care Leavers
(2012), Report from the Joint Inquiry into Children who go missing from Care, p9
130 Ibid, p22
131 Office of the Children’s Commissioner (2012), Briefing for the Rt Hon Michael Gove MP, Secretary of State for
Education, on the emerging findings of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner’s Inquiry into Child Sexual
Exploitation in Gangs and Groups, with a special focus on children in care, p8 (hereafter DCC report)
132 Ibid
133 See Annex 6
134 DCC report. p9 and p42 Children first: the child protection system in England 37
recommended that regulations should proscribe any child in care or leaving care from
being placed in bed and breakfast accommodation.
135
90. The Children’s Society provided evidence on the particular problems of older children
leaving care. In the year ending 31 March 2011 63% of those leaving care did so on their
18
th
birthday.
136
36% of those leaving care were aged 16 and 17. In a recent report published
by the Children’s Rights Director, Roger Morgan, nearly half of care leavers surveyed felt
they left care too early (46%) and were not prepared well enough to leave (49%).
137
This
was reflected in our conversations with young people and residential support staff during
our visit to Barnsley which suggested that once young people reach the age of 16 they are
likely to seek independent accommodation. Many of the staff felt this to be a poor choice
for the young people, who needed a greater degree of support and challenge, but that poor
pathway and transition planning often left them with little support. The Children’s Society
argued that the leaving care age should always be 18 to match the age at which children
cease to be “looked-after” and to come into alignment with the new age of compulsory
schooling.
138
They also believed that children should be allowed to stay in care up to the age
of 21, if they wish.
91. Once they have left care, there is a need to ensure that these children are assisted in
finding suitable accommodation. Statutory guidance to local authorities on securing
sufficient accommodation for looked-after children puts duties on local authorities (i) to
review the situation systematically in relation to securing accommodation which meets the
needs of looked-after children and care leavers, and (ii) to commission a range of provision
to meet the needs of care leavers, including arrangements for young people to remain with
their foster carers and other supported accommodation.
139
The Children’s Society claimed
that “many” local authorities are not good at commissioning such accommodation and
associated support services.
140
It called for better implementation and monitoring of the
guidance.
141
92. We are clear that more effort must be made to establish the best care options for older
children. Children’s homes may be the most appropriate and effective solution in some
cases but all looked-after children are particularly vulnerable at the moment they leave the
children’s social care system. We recommend that Ofsted monitor and report as a
standard part of all inspections on the quality and suitability of the provision made by
local authorities for older children, taking into account the views of the children
themselves. It is essential that as much attention is paid to the care options provided for
vulnerable young people as to those provided for younger children.
135 Ibid, p11
136 DfE: Children looked After by Local Authorities in England (including adoption and care leavers) – year ending 31
March 2011
137 Young people’s views on leaving care. Reported by the Children’s Rights Director for England, March 2012
138 Supplementary evidence from The Children’s Society
139 Quoted in Supplementary evidence from The Children’s Society
140 Supplementary evidence from The Children’s Society
141 Q461 38 Children first: the child protection system in England
93. We are particularly concerned about the position of care-leavers and the
accommodation and range of support provided for them. The impact on their life
chances is highly significant and this area needs further detailed examination.
Specialised forms of abuse
94. Evidence to our inquiry highlighted the extent to which older children may be
particularly vulnerable to a wider range of ‘specialised’ forms of abuse. Phillip Noyes of the
NSPCC pointed out that “The child protection system over the years has really been more
geared to dealing with abuse that happens at home within families. Young people are
experiencing a range of abuse [...] out of home as well.”
142
This can contribute to the
“misfit” between what the system can offer and the particular needs of children in specific
situations. In our inquiry, we examined in detail some of these forms of abuse or
vulnerability and we comment on certain aspects below. We also draw some general
conclusions from this evidence.
Trafficking
95. The United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime (the ‘Palermo
Protocol’) describes trafficking as:
the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means
of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of
deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control
over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a
minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual
exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery,
servitude or the removal of organs.
143
96. Latest figures from the Inter-Departmental Ministerial Group on Human Trafficking
indicate that in 2011, 234 children were trafficked into the UK, from over 30 countries.
This is based on the number of referrals to the National Referral Mechanism (NRM). The
real number of victims of trafficking is likely to be far higher, since it is a hidden crime
whose victims are often afraid or unable to come forward for fear of reprisals or because of
their immigration status. Child trafficking victims are brought to the UK for many
purposes, including sexual exploitation, domestic servitude, benefit fraud, cannabis
farming, street begging, theft and shoplifting. There is a greater number of female than
male victims (133 to 101 in 2011), and whilst their age varies, the most common age is 16-
17 years old.
144
Over 80% of known victims in 2011 were between 12 and 17 years old.
97. A number of criminal offences relate to trafficking: for example, it is illegal to traffic, or
to conspire to traffic, a person into or within the UK for sexual exploitation. There are also
142 Q451
143 United Nations Convention against Transnational Organised Crime
144 First Annual Report of the Inter-Departmental Ministerial Group on Human Trafficking, Cm 8241, October 2012 Children first: the child protection system in England 39
related immigration offences, including assisting unlawful immigration and facilitating
entry by asylum seekers. Traffickers can also be prosecuted for constituent offences, such as
rape, kidnapping, false imprisonment and threats to kill.
145
98. The organisation End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking Children
for Sexual Purposes (ECPAT UK) told us that “child trafficking is a child protection
concern of the highest order. It is not, as the government often frames it, an immigration
issue---it is child abuse requiring complex child abuse investigations”.
146
ECPAT called for
the NRM to be reviewed and for NRM responsibility for children to be transferred from
UKBA to the Department for Education.
147
ECPAT’s Colin Walker argued that “the
officials who run the National Referral Mechanism are immigration officials” who “do not
have expertise in child protection”, with the result that “we think there are a significant
number of children who are not identified as being trafficked”.
148
He received support from
Jim Gamble, former head of CEOP, who agreed that the NRM was “an administrative
process linked probably more closely to immigration than to child protection”.
149
Mr
Gamble also criticised the way in which the NRM criminalised victims of trafficking, who
should be helped by a children’s services specialist, not assessed by immigration officials.
He recommended that the system be overhauled so that decision-making was removed
from the UK Border Agency.
150
99. Other organisations went further and suggested that “child trafficking and the care of
all separated migrant children should come under the remit of the Children’s Minister in
the Department for Education, ensuring that primacy is given to children’s safety and
welfare over their immigration status”.
151
The Children’s Society, NSPCC and Barnardo’s
all agreed that the Department for Education should take lead responsibility for trafficked
children within Government.
152
We discuss this proposal later in this section (see
paragraphs 135 and 136).
100. Children’s charities gave evidence that trafficked children found in criminal settings
can sometimes be treated as criminal perpetrators first, rather than victims of abuse.
ECPAT described an endemic tendency amongst agencies to view trafficked children with
suspicion:
ECPAT UK’s research has unearthed a ‘culture of disbelief’ across statutory agencies
when initially dealing with child trafficking cases. An all too hasty willingness to see
the child as ‘lying to get asylum benefits’ has led to poor quality decision making.
153
145 Crown Prosecution Service, Human Trafficking and Smuggling: Legal Guidance. www.cps.gov.uk.
146 Ev 171 [ECPAT]
147 Qq266; 243-44; Q36
148 Qq 243, 233 [Colin Walker]
149 Q35 [Jim Gamble]
150 Qq35-6
151 Ev 186, p.3
152 Ecpat and Q261; Qq449-50
153 Ev 172 40 Children first: the child protection system in England
Their Deputy Director told us “what needs to happen, in the case of child victims of
trafficking, is that their vulnerabilities, as a potential victim of trafficking, need to be
identified first”.
154
Peter Davies of ACPO and CEOP accepted that “police services and
police officers [...] tend to categorise people and if someone is in the offender category, it is
sometimes hard to categorise them at the same time as a victim”.
155
He assured us that
CEOP and the Serious Organised Crime Agency’s Human Trafficking Centre were
working together to develop better practice on this.
156
101. Children who are trafficked into the UK can be travelling alone or with an unrelated
adult. For immigration purposes, the Government classifies children who arrive into the
UK as “accompanied” and “unaccompanied” children. This classification can be crucial in
determining a child’s protection plan. ECPAT and others prefer to use the term “separated
children” to describe children who either enter the country alone or without an adult who
has parental responsibility. ECPAT advocates a system of guardianship for separated
children who have been trafficked:
A system of guardianship for children who have been trafficked would ensure that
they have the one person they can trust, who can act in their best interest and assist
the child navigate through the welfare, criminal, legal and immigration systems […]
They have no family in the UK, but also no-one with ‘parental responsibility’, a legal
concept enshrined in British law. This means that children have to instruct their own
solicitors”.
157
Similar guardianship systems have been in operation in the Netherlands for some time and
have been trialled in Scotland. The proposal to introduce this in England was also
supported by the Refugee Council,
158
and the recent APPG joint inquiry recommended
that a legal advocate with parental responsibility should be appointed for all
unaccompanied migrant children.
159
102. ECPAT also raised concerns about the “extremely high numbers of suspected and
known trafficked children who have gone missing from Local Authority care and are never
found”. It suggested that “Local Authorities should have a duty to disclose and escalate the
details of children missing, suspected as being trafficked, beyond just the local missing
persons procedures”.
160
The Government’s human trafficking strategy, published in July
2011, concluded that the number of children who go missing from local authority care in
England and Wales “is still too high”.
161
154 Q266
155 Q609
156 Q609
157 Ev 173
158 Q308
159 Report from APPG Inquiry into children missing from care, p19
160 Ev 173
161 http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/publications/crime/human-trafficking-strategy?view=Binary , p.24 Children first: the child protection system in England 41
103. The issues raised by trafficked children, and possible changes to the guardianship
system, require far more detailed attention than we have been able to give in the course
of this inquiry. We share ECPAT’s concerns about the number of children going
missing once identified by the authorities and the likely numbers of those who are not
discovered in the first place. The Government must act faster and more effectively work
with others to address this.
104. We are also concerned by the treatment of children found in criminal settings. The
police and the UKBA have a focus on detecting crime and implementing immigration
policy which can lead to the criminalisation of abused and vulnerable children found in
these situations. Such children must always be treated as victims—and children—first
and not just as criminals. Training and guidance should be given to police and UKBA
front-line staff to this effect.
Unaccompanied asylum-seeking children
105. The Refugee Children’s Consortium highlighted a similar problem in relation to
refugee and asylum-seeking children in being seen as “migrants first rather than children”.
The Consortium argued that “decisions taken about their lives are frequently not
conducive to their well-being and best interests, and often leave them at risk of serious,
irreparable harm”.
162
A BBC investigation in 2010 reported that at least four children a
week seeking asylum were going missing from the care of local authorities. A total of 330
children aged between nine and 17 vanished between April 2008 and August 2009.
163
106. Asylum-seeking children aged 15–18 can be particularly vulnerable and are often
subject to age disputes. On average, each year 28% of those who present as separated
children claiming asylum have their age challenged by the UK Border Agency: 1,200
children each year for the last 5 years. The RCC argues that children are often wrongly
identified as adults: in 2010 the Refugee Council supported 38 children in immigration
detention who had been wrongly judged to be adults by the local authority or immigration
officers.
164
It told us that “despite the fact that the Government has committed to ending
child detention, the RCC is concerned that children whose ages have been disputed will
continue to be detained until the process of age assessments is overhauled”. It called for a
presumption in favour of refugee and asylum-seekers who claim to be children at the initial
screening stage.
165
107. In oral evidence Judith Dennis of the Refugee Council called for independent
assessment centres and for those doing age assessments to be separate from those
responsible for the young person.
166
She also recommended more training for social
workers to augment their assessment skills with “specialist information about the countries
162 Ev 186
163 BBC News, Asylum-seeking children are going missing from care, 21 January 2010:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/8470620.stm
164 Ev 187
165 Ibid
166 Q320, Q328 42 Children first: the child protection system in England
the children have come from and the experiences they might have had”.
167
Ms Dennis
pointed out that the impact upon the child of not being believed might be as significant as
the impact upon the level of support provided.
168
This was reinforced by the discussions we
had with young people who had been in this situation.
108. Just after our final evidence session in this inquiry, we took evidence on the specific
issue of destitution amongst asylum-seeking and migrant children.
169
This followed a
report by the Children’s Society on the situation of such children in the UK, which raised
issues about the support they received both before and after the age of 18. The evidence
given strongly argued that there is tension or even conflict between legislation to protect
children and immigration legislation. This argument was backed by a recent research
report by the Centre on Migration, Policy and Society at the University of Oxford which
notes that “this tension fundamentally shapes the everyday lives of irregular migrant
children in Britain and the experiences of front-line service providers in the fulfilment of
their duties.”
170
109. Ministers from both the DfE and the Home Office denied that there was tension
between the child protection and immigration policies. Sarah Teather MP, then Minister
for Children and Families, told us “The rights are very clear; in terms of safeguarding and
education, children have inviolable rights.”
171
Damian Green MP, then Minister for
Immigration, agreed that since the coming into force of the Children Act 2009 “the the
rights and interests of children are centrally embedded in what the UKBA does”.
172
Mr
Green referred to the Children’s Society report as “clearly a collection of what are very
emotive stories”, and told us firmly that “Destitution is very explicitly not used as a tool” to
persuade asylum-seekers to leave the UK.
173
We were not persuaded by the denials from
either Minister. Children’s charities and others have raised legitimate concerns about
the correlation between Government policies on immigration and the incidence of
destitution amongst asylum-seeking and migrant children. It would be outrageous if
destitution were to be used as a weapon against children because of their immigration
status. We call on the Government to review the impact of immigration policy upon
child protection and children’s rights to ensure that this is not the case.
Abuse between teenagers: peer violence
110. Domestic violence is defined by the Home Office as “any incident of threatening
behaviour, violence or abuse (psychological, physical, sexual, financial or emotional)
between adults who are or have been intimate partners or family members, regardless of
gender or sexuality”. Most domestic violence is perpetrated by men against their female
167 Q328
168 Q331
169 Oral evidence taken before the Education Committee, 4 July 2012, HC 149-i
170 ESRC Centre on Migration, Policy and Society (COMPAS), University of Oxford (May 2012), “No way out, no way in:
irregular migrant children and families in the UK”
171 HC 149-i, Q55
172 HC 149-i, Q106
173 HC 149-i, Qq108, 109 Children first: the child protection system in England 43
partners and ex-partners. However, domestic violence can also be carried out within same
sex relationships and by women against men.
111. Children under 18 may be the secondary victims of domestic violence (for example,
witnessing the abuse of a parent, or suffering a lack of appropriate parental care where a
carer is being abused). They can also be the primary victim or perpetrator of intimate
partner violence in a teen relationship. In general, abuse between teenagers is not seen as a
child protection issue; yet research conducted by the NSPCC and the University of Bristol
suggests that of a general adolescent population, one in six girls who had been in a
relationship reported experiencing severe control, exploitation or violence from their
partner. In a related study of disadvantaged young people, many young women accepted
violence as a normal, although unwanted, aspect of being in a relationship.
174
112. The National Association of Head Teachers highlighted managing the risks presented
by members of the student body as “particularly challenging for schools and colleges”.
175
These risks included pupils named on the sex offenders register and those convicted of
other crimes which presented challenges to peer-to-peer safeguarding, as well as risks
associated with gang membership and recruitment activities. The Office of the Children’s
Commissioner also drew our attention to evidence underlining the difficulties of dealing
with abuse between teenagers:
Evidence from the NSPCC on young partner violence; from studies of gang related
violence; the emerging evidence concerning sexual exploitation and evidence from
the Department of Health national taskforce on Violence against Women and
Children, all indicate the need for a tailored response to the specific needs of young
people where they may be both victim and perpetrator.
176
113. Teen relationship abuse is not currently categorised as domestic violence as they are
under 18 years old.
177
Joanna Sharpen of AVA pointed out that different local and central
government departments use different definitions with the result that “It might be that
social services sees something as domestic violence, but the housing department does
not”.
178
AVA considered that the 15–18 year old age group in particular fell through the
gaps.
179
114. We are concerned that abuse between teenagers is an overlooked issue in the child
protection system. There is a need for the issue to be recognised and for strategies to be
developed to deal with the complications involved in assisting victims and perpetrators
out of the abusive situation. We welcome the current Government plan to extend the
definition of domestic abuse to under 18s and to include “coercive control”. Teenagers
174 Barter,C., McCarry, M., Berridge, D. and Evans, K. (2009) Partner Exploitation and Violence in Teenage Intimate
Relationships. London: NSPCC; Wood, M., Barter, C. and Berridge, D. (2011) ‘Standing on My Own Two Feet’:
Disadvantaged Teenagers, Intimate Partner Violence and Coercive Control. London: NSPCC
175 Ev w199
176 Ev w150
177 Q272
178 Q272
179 Ev 214 44 Children first: the child protection system in England
in such situations need appropriate support from all those with whom they come into
contact. We consider that training for social workers must include specific input on
these issues. We also recognise that abuse between teenagers is most likely to be dealt
with by schools and youth workers who need training and guidance to be confident in
their role. Finally, there is a need for greater willingness to take action on the part of the
authorities. There is research evidence that those who have experienced abusive
relationships are more likely to have children who also experience abuse. This makes it
all the more important to stop the cycle as effectively and as quickly as possible.
Child sexual exploitation
115. Child sexual exploitation is defined by the DfE as:
a form of child abuse (“child” being defined as anyone under 18 years of age). It is
complex and can manifest itself in different ways [...] essentially it involves children
and young people receiving something—for example, accommodation, drugs, gifts,
or affection—as a result of them performing sexual activities, or having others
perform sexual activities on them. It can occur without physical contact, when
children are groomed to post sexual images of themselves on the internet.
In all cases those exploiting the child or young person have power over them,
perhaps by virtue of their age or physical strength. Exploitative relationships are
characterised in the main by the child’s limited availability of choice, compounding
their vulnerability. This inequality can take many forms but the most obvious
include fear, deception, coercion and violence.
180
116. Child sexual exploitation has moved rapidly up the child protection policy agenda. In
2011 the Department for Education published a Ministerial Action Plan on Tackling Child
Sexual Exploitation. The subject hit the headlines again during the course of our inquiry
with the judgement in the case of eight men in Rochdale, convicted for grooming and
sexually exploiting vulnerable young women, including one girl who was in the care
system. This case led to the Minister asking the Deputy Children’s Commissioner, Sue
Berelowitz, to bring forward the timetable of her major investigation into the issue and to
the publication of her interim report in June 2012. In discussing her findings with the
Home Affairs Committee, Ms Berelowitz declared:
what I am uncovering is that the sexual exploitation of children is happening all over
the country. As one police officer who was a lead in a very big investigation in a very
lovely, leafy, rural part of the country said to me, there is not a town, village or
hamlet in which children are not being sexually exploited.
181
117. In evidence to us Barnardo’s outlined four characteristics of sexual exploitation:
• Sexual exploitation is more organised, with networks moving or trafficking
children specifically to be abused
180 Tackling Sexual Exploitation Action Plan (DfE 2011)
181 Evidence taken before the Home Affairs Committee, Tuesday 12 June, HC182-i, Q134 Children first: the child protection system in England 45
• Grooming using the internet and mobile technology is becoming increasingly
more common
• Younger children are increasingly at risk
• Peer exploitation is becoming more common
Barnardo’s commented that “the scale of sexual exploitation is far greater than currently
calculated and there remains a worrying lack of data which can provide an accurate
picture of the scale and nature of sexual exploitation. Practitioners often do not identify it
and young people themselves frequently do not recognise themselves as abused”.
182
118. Also during the course of our inquiry, the NSPCC published a report on the recent
phenomenon of “sexting”. This highlighted the extent to which, for young people, this was
“an experience that is pressurised yet voluntary—they choose to participate but they
cannot choose to say ‘no’”. The researchers argued that “because sexting is not just an
individual practice but also a group, networked phenomenon, its effects are not limited to
the actors engaged in some specific practice but permeates and influences the entire teen
network in multiple ways”.
183
We welcome the NSPCC report and the work it is
conducting in this area. The issue of sexting should be taken very seriously because of the
enormous harm that can be done to its victims. This is equally true of all abuse relating to
mobile technology, social media and the internet. As CEOP argued in its evidence to us,
“professionals working in social care need to be better equipped to routinely address
children’s behaviour online and show children ways that they can protect themselves from
unwanted contact as well as get help”.
184
It argued that questions about internet use should
form part of the core assessment process for social workers.
185
119. The speed of change in technology and in the level of access by children of
increasingly young ages points to the need to ensure that guidance and training for all
professionals working with children is constantly updated to address the associated risks.
We commend the work undertaken by CEOP in this field. Child sexual exploitation not
involving technology, however, also remains a huge issue as we have seen in recent cases.
We welcome the recent ministerial attention paid to this form of abuse and the evident
resolve to tackle the issues raised.
Forced marriage
120. According to the FCO Forced Marriage Unit (FMU):
A forced marriage is a marriage where one or both people do not (or in the case of
some people with learning or physical disabilities, cannot) consent to the marriage
and pressure or abuse is used. [...] The pressure put on people to marry against their
182 Ev180
183 NSPCC, A qualitative study of children, young people and 'sexting', May 2012
184 Ev w130
185 Ibid 46 Children first: the child protection system in England
will can be physical (including threats, actual physical violence and sexual violence)
or emotional and psychological (for example, when someone is made to feel like
they’re bringing shame on their family. Financial abuse (taking your wages or not
giving you any money) can also be a factor.
186
121. In 2010 the FMU received over 1,735 calls to its helpline concerning suspected forced
marriage, 86% relating to women. Karma Nirvana, the main charity working with victims,
which runs the national forced marriage helpline, has received over 10,000 calls relating to
forced marriage over the past two years, More than 3,000 calls were from children and
young people under 18.
187
122. Karma Nirvana notes that FMU guidance states that siblings of children forced into
marriage are often in danger as “there is a risk that if one child has failed to honour a
family’s commitment to a marriage, another child may have to substitute to maintain the
family’s honour”.
188
Consequently, the child protection system may need to intervene
earlier with siblings of victims.
123. Forced marriage is currently a civil, but not a criminal, offence. Like domestic
violence, it can be prosecuted for its constituent behaviours, including kidnap, false
imprisonment, assault, threats to kill and sexual assault. Karma Nirvana considered that
“The Forced Marriage (Civil Protection) Act 2007 has been of great assistance in providing
legal remedies including Forced Marriage Protection Orders to British born subjects.”
189
However, the group was concerned that “in terms of monitoring the compliance with
orders and sanctions for non-compliance; this has been less effective”, especially as regards
children and young people who are returned to their families.
124. The Government has recently announced plans to make forced marriage a criminal
offence. We welcome the Government’s plans to increase protection of children against
forced marriage, and the recent efforts made to highlight the issue. We urge the
Government to increase awareness of the availability and use of Forced Marriage
Protection Orders and to take steps to improve the monitoring of compliance with such
orders.
Ritual abuse, witchcraft and female genital mutilation
125. Ritual abuse related to accusations of witchcraft and spirit possession occurs in
England amongst some communities of African origin. Some child deaths have included
elements of ritual abuse, including that of Victoria ClimbiƩ and of a headless torso
discovered in the Thames.
190
The latest high profile case involving Kristy Bamu and the
conviction of his relatives has reignited publicity around the issue. This type of abuse is
often linked to a faith setting (church or mosque). Accusations of witchcraft may be made
186 http://www.fco.gov.uk/resources/en/pdf/2855621/what-is-forced-marriage.pdf
187 Ev 168
188 Ev 169
189 Ev 168
190 AFRUCA, Faith Based Child Abuse in London and What is witchcraft abuse? Available via: www.afruca.org Children first: the child protection system in England 47
by the church (for example, the pastor) who also professes the solution, usually in the form
of a deliverance or exorcism. Once a child has been identified as a witch, often by family
members or by a faith leader, different forms of abuse may occur, including:
• Psychological and emotional abuse
• Physical abuse to beat the devil out, including stamping, kicking, punching
and starving
• Neglect and isolation from others
• Sexual abuse, including as a result of neglect or lack of protection
• (Often violent) exorcism rites carried out by a faith leader
126. ECPAT reported in October 2011 that over the last four years, at least 400 African
children have been abducted and trafficked into the UK, some for the purpose of ‘juju’
blood rituals. Testimonies from some of the children have described how witch-doctors
extracted their blood by force for use in ritual healings.
191
Other estimates about the extent
of ritual abuse in the UK are sketchy. Research for the then Department for Children,
Schools and Families in 2006 reviewed 74 cases of child abuse which were suspected of
connection to spirit possession and witchcraft between 2000 and 2005, and found clear-cut
evidence of ritual abuse in 38 of those cases (concerning 47 children). Children and
Families Across Borders (CFAB) gave evidence that when a victim of ritual abuse is
identified, it is likely that other children exposed to the same informal faith setting may also
be at risk.
192
127. Another form of abuse to which some girls of African origin may be vulnerable is
female genital mutilation (FGM, also called female circumcision and genital cutting). It is
estimated that approximately 100–140 million African women have undergone FGM
worldwide and each year, a further three million girls are estimated to be at risk of the
practice in Africa alone.
193
National FGM campaigning organisation FORWARD UK
estimate that 24,000 girls under 15 are at risk each year in England and Wales. The most
common age at which it occurs is between four and ten, although it appears to be falling.
128. Since 2004 FGM has been a criminal offence. It is illegal for FGM to be performed,
and it is also an offence for UK nationals or permanent UK residents to carry out, or aid,
abet, counsel or procure the carrying out of FGM abroad on a UK national or permanent
UK resident, even in countries where the practice is legal. Despite this, CFAB expressed
concern about a “significant absence of professional expertise in social work and related
professions” with regard to trafficking, witchcraft/ritual abuse and female genital
mutilation.
194
It recommended that the content of the social work curriculum be
overhauled to reflect these issues, and that responsibility for the curriculum be passed to
191 See, for instance, BBC News, 12 October 2011, African children trafficked to UK for blood rituals
192 Ev w3-4
193 Information from FORWARD UK
194 Ev w3 48 Children first: the child protection system in England
the College of Social Work. The Government has already acted to address some of these
issues in the recent publication of its National action plan to tackle child abuse linked to
faith or belief.
195
The plan includes actions to encourage initial social work training
providers and providers of CPD to cover culture and faith safeguarding issues in their
courses, as well as to raise levels of understanding and awareness more widely.
General conclusion
129. In addition to the specific policy recommendations in response to these particular
forms of abuse set out above, there are a number of general lessons to be drawn from the
evidence about specialised abuses. We are struck by the number of submissions which
noted that some forms of abuse, including forced marriage, ritual abuse, female genital
mutilation, honour-based violence, and trafficking, are often only secondarily cast as child
abuse: they are primarily seen as problems of integration, community or immigration.
Casting them as something other than child abuse can mean that child victims are
stigmatised or even criminalised and not afforded the protection that the system should
offer them. It may also mean that the agencies who take the lead in supporting these
children are not the appropriate ones: for instance, trafficked children may be first dealt
with by immigration officials and police, rather than by children’s services.
130. There can also be complications in dealing with these forms of abuse within the child
protection system, in that the abuses and their victims may require responses which differ
from standard child protection processes. For example, Karma Nirvana told us that
“honour-based violence and forced marriage are fundamentally different to other child
protection issues, particularly in respect of working with parents”.
196
It gives the example of
“cases where professionals have informed parents of their child’s concerns, attempted to
mediate and shared information in such a way that has placed children at increased risk of
harm”.
197
Similarly, ECPAT considered that “current child protection procedures, which
have been developed in response to other forms of child abuse, do not necessarily meet the
specific circumstances of child victims of trafficking, especially when the child has no
family or no responsible adult in the UK”. It notes that “the initial and core assessment
process is often highly dependent on what the child says but child victims of trafficking are
likely to need far longer than this to disclose the details and extent of their previous
abuse”.
198
ECPAT Deputy Director explained that
A lot of our child protection systems are geared up towards identifying child abuse
and having a range of different adults and support networks around that can provide
evidence as to whether or not that child has suffered abuse—teachers, police forces,
social workers, family members, etc. When a child victim of trafficking comes into
this country, there is no one.
199
195 DfE (2012), National action plan to tackle child abuse linked to faith or belief
196 Ev 168
197 Ibid
198 Ev 172
199 Q244 Children first: the child protection system in England 49
131. Lessons from case reviews and court cases suggest that teenagers are often not
believed when they first seek help (particularly by police), perhaps in part because those
they approach are unsympathetic or lack an understanding of that form of abuse. A
commonly cited problem with these more specific (and recent for the UK) forms of abuse
is that, often, front-line professionals may not have been adequately trained to recognise
and respond appropriately to them. For instance, Karma Nirvana told the Committee that
“a lack of knowledge and training is a significant factor in the failure to identify children
and young people at risk of honour-based violence and forced marriage”.
200
AVA similarly
states that “we believe that VAWG [violence against women and girls] training needs to be
a core module in all initial training for relevant professional courses as well as continuing
professional development”.
201
132. Social workers and other professionals cannot be expected to be experts in all types of
abuse, especially those which they are less likely to encounter. Nor is it enough to rely on a
short session during their initial training which might easily be forgotten if sufficient time
elapses before they have to put that training into effect. Guidance is available from support
organisations and specialised sources such as the Forced Marriage Unit, but Kathy Rowe of
Karma Nirvana reported that their roadshows “indicate that a large number of
professionals are not aware of that guidance”.
202
The current statutory guidance on
Working Together contains detailed prescriptions on recognising and working with victims
of specialised forms of abuse. Emma Grove, a teacher at a London primary school,
explained how education professionals were “very reliant on” Working Together or local
documentation when faced with “things that you do not necessarily come across quite so
often”.
203
However, the pages on specialised forms of abuse have been excised from the
draft revised Working Together which means there will no longer be a single handbook to
be consulted by professionals as necessary.
133. Whilst initial social work training should include an awareness of all types of abuse,
there is clearly a place for more specialised training during a social worker’s career and for
professionals in other disciplines, perhaps organised in conjunction with the expert groups
in these areas. We recommend that the College of Social Work take a leading role in coordinating and promoting awareness of CPD training in specialised forms of abuse and
in encouraging other disciplines to participate in relevant courses. For more general
use, if the guidance on specialised forms of abuse is to be deleted from Working
Together, the Government needs to make clear where such guidance will be found in
future and how it will be updated and signposted to social workers and other
professionals.
134. We are also concerned that professionals faced with a specific type of abuse with
which they are not familiar should have an identifiable source of expertise to consult in
person. Local authorities should nominate a specialised child abuse practitioner to lead
200 Ev 168
201 Ev 191
202 Q282 [Kathy Rowe]
203 Q152 50 Children first: the child protection system in England
on such matters. Where an authority has a low incidence of a particular form of child
abuse, they should be able to draw on the expertise of nominated practitioners in other
authorities.
135. Policy responsibility for human trafficking, ritual abuse and domestic violence lie with
the Home Office; forced marriage straddles the Home and Foreign Offices, but child
protection is overseen by the Department for Education. Karma Nirvana calls for “all issues
relating to children to be dealt with by one government department”, noting that “despite
best endeavours, cross-government department working is not as effective as it could
be”.
204
As we have seen, there have been similar representations with regard to trafficked
and asylum-seeking children (see paragraph 99).
136. The Minister told us that “I am not interested in the niceties of which Minister has this
added to his brief or not. I am interested in, practically, how we can make it work”.
205
We
agree that the primary aim within Government must be effectiveness but we are not
convinced that the system at the moment enables vulnerable children to be treated as
children first. Other agencies, such as those involved in immigration and crime, cannot
reasonably be expected to put the interests of the child before their statutory
responsibilities on their own initiative. We therefore recommend that the Department
for Education be given explicit overall responsibility for the welfare of all children,
including those who have been trafficked or who are seeking asylum.
Help-seeking by older children
Reluctance to seek help
137. Witnesses agreed that older children are often reluctant to disclose and share
information about abuse or neglect.
206
There are several possible causes for this including:
having lived with abuse for a long time, mistrust of authorities, embarrassment or shame,
fear of what is going to happen, loss of control, and concern that the family will be
separated (especially siblings from each other).
207
Two major factors are not recognising
that they are being abused,
208
and fearing that they will not be believed, or actually not
being believed.
209
138. We discussed with our witnesses the difficulty of the lack of awareness amongst older
children that they are being neglected or abused, and that their family experience is not
‘normal’. Several organisations pointed to the commendable work done in schools and
elsewhere to raise awareness amongst children about certain forms of abuse, such as
bullying or partner violence, and of what is acceptable and not acceptable. This is clearly an
important contribution to protecting these children. Other witnesses suggested that the
204 Ev 170
205 Q832 [Tim Loughton]
206 Q416 Enver Solomon; Ev w222
207 Action for Children research; See also Ev w151; Q206 [Sue Minto]
208 Q97 [Professor Ward]; Ev w222
209 Ev w222 Children first: the child protection system in England 51
mainstream media, such as popular television dramas, have a part to play in awarenessraising. For example, Professor Munro considered that “soap operas can be very good in
having a story line that gets it across to people [...] there is a real need for stories and
perhaps videos being made that schools can use to help people understand what is
abnormal”.
210
139. Several of the older children at our seminar told us that they had not been believed or
had been turned away. As with fear of the potential impact on disclosure upon themselves
and their families, this leads to a lack of trust in the system to make the best decisions for
their future. The Association of Directors of Children’s Services (ADCS) told us: “We
know that building a trusting relationship with a professional is an important factor in
whether a young person makes a disclosure”.
211
For this reason, the ADCS was concerned
that “the reduction in youth services in response to considerable budget pressures reduces
the contact professionals will have with young people who are at risk of abuse or neglect
and supporting them”.
212
This concern was echoed by other witnesses.
140. We conclude that there is considerable work to be done by central and local agencies
in raising awareness amongst children of the nature of abuse and how it might affect them.
This is particularly so in the fast-moving world of the internet and mobile technology
abuse. There is also work to be done in sending the message that child protection services
are available and are appropriate for their needs and that the child will be listened to. We
recognise the important part played by youth services in building relationships with young
people and appreciate the concern that cuts in youth services may jeopardise the route by
which some young people may seek help. We recommend that local authorities monitor
the situation with regard to youth services and report to the Government on the impact
of cuts in the provision of such services upon safeguarding. We also recommend that
LSCBs work together to establish best practice in raising awareness of and ensuring a
better response to child abuse amongst older children through the co-ordination of the
efforts of all the agencies in their local area.
Sources of help
141. Sue Minto told us that where children who contact ChildLine had spoken to someone
else beforehand, they “have predominantly spoken to mum; following that it will be a
teacher; following that it will be a friend”, with health professionals, boyfriends and fathers
further down the list.
213
The fourth most common situation was that they had spoken to
no-one, which means that a significant proportion do not seek help from or disclose to
anyone.
214
Research by the Children’s Society reached a different conclusion: that young
people “are more likely to disclose to their peers than either family members or to those
people whom they perceive to be in a position of authority”.
215
From this, the Children’s
210 Q723
211 Ev 200
212 Ev w201
213 Q206 [Sue Minto]
214 Ibid
215 Q418 52 Children first: the child protection system in England
Society argued that “peer-led safeguarding forums in schools, or peer safeguarding
mentors in secondary schools or colleges could play a really significant role”.
216
This is
supported by research by the NSPCC amongst 18 to 24 year olds who had been sexually
abused into how the abuse had been stopped:
Only 4% said that it stopped because of people like us. They did not want to touch us
with a bargepole. For the rest, it stopped because the perpetrator went away, they
individually had stopped it, someone that they loved or trusted had stopped it for
them, or it had not stopped. I think that if we are looking at how young people who
have been abused—there are lots of them—who have not told anybody, and if they
did, they told their friends, we need to think of a new kind of help that gets them
friends and peers to talk to, which helps them decide when it is appropriate to talk
and when not.
217
Professor Munro also spoke of the value of peer support. She commended the BeatBullying
website, in particular, for its chat room which offers peer mentoring.
218
142. The Children’s Society was clear that such peer-led support “could work alongside the
child protection leads in schools and feed their views into Local Safeguarding Children’s
Boards” and not work in isolation.
219
We recommend that local authorities encourage
schools and other universal settings to provide more peer-led support, such as peer
safeguarding forums and peer mentors. They should seek to learn and apply lessons
learnt from the apparent success of the schemes described to us by The Children’s
Society.
Self-referral
143. Older children do not often refer themselves to children’s social care, and when they
do, it is often hard to access services. The Children’s Commissioner reported that
“advocacy organisations have told us that they encounter reluctance on the part of
children’s services to self-referrals by young people who wish to be accommodated as a
result of family problems [...] those who do ask for help are likely to be in desperate need of
support”.
220
The young people at our event also discussed the difficulties in getting help:
A lack of awareness about how to find support, and what support was available, was
also noted by several young people. One said the experience was nerve-wracking and
scary, partly because of feeling guilty about needing help, but also because they
hadn’t realised that there was anyone out there who could help. Another also said the
experience was scary, because they didn’t understand what was going to happen:
processes needed to be clearly explained to young people seeking help. These issues
led to the process being described as ‘stressful’ by another participant. One young
216 Ibid
217 Q444 [Phillip Noyes]
218 Q724
219 Supplementary evidence from The Children’s Society
220 Ev w153 Children first: the child protection system in England 53
person noted that it was easy to make a complaint about another person but there
was no easy ‘route’ to get help itself.
221
144. The need for clear, simple information on the process was supported by the Children’s
Society who told us that “Most of the young people we spoke to for our recent research
were confused about what had happened to them at different stages of the safeguarding
process and why and what different professionals’ roles are”.
222
Their policy director told
us: “There is a real need to encourage self-referral. That needs to be done through better
information, reaching out to people and them having the confidence that systems are there
to work for them and in their interests, as well as addressing all the other factors”.
223
145. We are concerned by the evidence we received that it was difficult for older children to
refer themselves to children’s social care, should they wish to do so. Local authorities’
websites and information literature often contain instructions on what to do for members
of the public/professionals ‘concerned about a child’. There would be scope for authorities
to add something similar addressed to children/young people who are concerned about
themselves. We recommend that the Government encourage local authorities to include
on their website information aimed at older children on how to make a self-referral.
This information should also clearly set out what children can expect once the referral
has been made in order to remove the sense of loss of control and uncertainty that
children needing support may experience.
Advocates
146. Independent advocates are currently made available to looked-after children making
complaints and to those aged 16 or over who are judged to lack capacity or who are
sectioned under the mental health legislation. There is guidance to say that other looked
after children should be made aware of advocacy services. In addition the national
minimum standards for local authorities recommend that children in foster and residential
care are offered advocacy support through the national minimum standards and those in
secure training centres should also be offered advocacy through the rules for secure
training centres.
147. The children we met in the course of our inquiry told us that they really valued
independent advocates: someone who was firmly on their side and could help them
navigate the child protection system. The Children’s Society suggested that every child in
the child protection system should have the right to access an independent advocate who
can support them to be heard.
224
This echoes a recommendation made by our predecessor
committee in 2009 that “advocacy services should be routinely available for all looked after
221 See Annex 6
222 Supplementary evidence from The Children’s Society
223 Q454 [Enver Solomon]
224 Supplementary evidence from The Children’s Society 54 Children first: the child protection system in England
children whenever decisions about their care are being made, not just when they wish to
make a complaint”.
225
148. Whilst we recognise the value of advocacy for children, we do not believe that the
provision of advocates to all children coming into contact with the child protection system
would necessarily be workable or desirable. There is a range of good advocacy options
currently available to children locally, including local Children in Care Councils and
services provided by non-statutory organisations. We believe that it would be better to
make best use of these services before introducing a more radical and expensive measure.
Local authorities have a duty to make a public ‘pledge’ of what looked-after children in
their area are entitled to. We recommend that local authorities include in their ‘pledge’ a
requirement for all social workers and carers to ensure that children know about and
have access to their local Children in Care Council and other advocacy support in their
area.
Points of contact
149. ChildLine has seen an increase in contacts from 16 to 18 year olds from 23% of all
contacts last year, to 31% this year.
226
Demand for its online services has also grown: the
NSPCC who are responsible for ChildLine pointed out that “young people are incredibly
receptive to talking not at the face-to-face level, but over the internet using online
services”.
227
Research conducted by ChildLine found that 16 to 18 year olds claim that they
would not contact ChildLine, but as the head of the helpline pointed out, “the evidence that
16 to 18 year olds are contacting us makes it obvious that we are relevant and accessible to
them”.
228
150. Given that confidentiality is very important to older children,
229
the ability of
ChildLine to offer this is an important part of its success. Occasionally, however, where
ChildLine considers a child who has contacted them online to be at risk of immediate
harm, the organisation has to take steps to identify the child. Currently CEOP offers the
NSPCC technical support to locate children’s physical whereabouts from their IP
addresses, but demand for ChildLine services is growing, and CEOP’s capacity is limited.
151. We discussed this issue with witnesses from both ChildLine and CEOP and were
pleased to hear that discussions were underway between CEOP and the NSPCC about
providing greater technical support to ChildLine in identifying children in immediate
danger.
230
Peter Davies of CEOP suggested several ways forward under current legislation
and also indicated that legislation could be changed “to enable more selected organisations
to resolve internet identities in certain circumstances”.
231
If the current discussions with
225 Third Report from the Children, Schools and Families Committee, Session 2008-09, HC 111-i, para 143
226 Q220
227 Q451 [Phillip Noyes]
228 Q220 ff
229 Q453
230 Q615 [Peter Davies]
231 Qq613-6 Children first: the child protection system in England 55
CEOP do not resolve the limitations in the technical support available to ChildLine on
a permanent or sustainable basis, then we recommend that the Government consult the
police and ChildLine on possible legislative solutions to their difficulties in identifying
those at risk of immediate harm.
152. We heard calls for a national point of contact for children seeking advice or help.
These came particularly from the young people who attended our event on 17 April. The
NSPCC also suggested that there was a need for “A nationwide single point of contact to
report children at risk of abuse and give advice to those with concerns about a child,
available 24/7 [...] to encourage concerned individuals to make a disclosure about a child at
risk of abuse and to ensure agencies are able to take appropriate action”.
232
153. Other witnesses suggested that ChildLine already offered the kind of service being
sought, and suggested that there would be scope for extending ChildLine and marketing its
existence more widely. Peter Davies (representing CEOP and ACPO) was “ambivalent”
about the advantages of a single number and suggested that “the better way to deal with the
present situation is to do more awareness and make sure that more people use the
opportunities that are already there for them”.
233
Dame Moira Gibb pointed out that
having a single point of contact would not in itself solve all difficulties: “it is always the next
stage that is important: what you do with that and how you connect single points of
contact to service delivery”.
234
She was concerned that this could be “just another layer of
complexity in a complex system”.
235
Dr Shade Alu agreed that there was a need “to
strengthen the advice that professionals can get” and “to keep it as simple as possible” for
children.
236
154. Joe Ferns from the Samaritans suggested that there should be an Harmonised
European Short Code number (116) for child abuse.
237
This would allow the creation of a
single number for use throughout Europe.
238
We are not convinced by this concept,
particularly given the well-established helplines already available in the UK and would
prefer to see effort being put into supporting them still further.
155. Evidence suggests that ChildLine performs its function well, is a ‘trusted brand’ and is
used by children of all ages, including 16-18s; and that there is not a need for another such
service. It could be improved still further: for example, the head of ChildLine spoke of “the
need to be more accessible to children with disabilities” and “children who are particularly
mobile, maybe Traveller children”.
239
We note that the Minister was very supportive of
ChildLine and sympathetic towards any possible need for expansion.
240
We recommend
232 Ev 217
233 Q624
234 Q655
235 Q655
236 Q653
237 Q226
238 Q625
239 Q199 [Sue Minto]
240 Q864 [Tim Loughton] 56 Children first: the child protection system in England
that ChildLine be assisted and enabled by the Government to market its existence and
services more widely, especially to older children. ChildLine should also review how it
could improve its services for particular groups of children. We would expect the
Government to look favourably upon financing or otherwise aiding any proposals
which would improve the effectiveness of ChildLine in reaching these groups.
Conclusion
156. Overall, our inquiry has revealed a worrying picture with regard to the protection and
support of older children. This is characterised by a lack of services for adolescents, a
failure to look beyond behavioural problems, a lack of recognition of the signs of neglect
and abuse in teenagers, and a lack of understanding about the long-term impact on them.
The Children’s Commissioner’s summarised the views of many witnesses:
We have a number of concerns about the identification of need and provision of
early help, particularly in respect of older children and teenagers. There is evidence
that the system is reactive rather than proactive and that young people have a
number of barriers to overcome if they are to access services. There are serious
doubts that the child protection system as it is currently structured is appropriate
and accessible to young people and we suggest that, alongside the improvements
proposed by the Munro Review, there should be further consideration given as to
how services might be shaped for the older age group.
241
Sue Minto of ChildLine volunteered provision for 16 to 18 year olds as “a massive gap”,
adding “There is a huge challenge about working with them differently: we cannot
shoehorn them into our existing child protection system [...] it does not work to hold child
protection conferences and consider taking them into local authority care”.
242
157. The recent review into the Rochdale case of sexual exploitation of young teenage girls
and the revelations about the late Sir Jimmy Saville have forcefully reminded us that older
children making allegations of abuse are often not believed and are dismissed by those in
authority because of pre-conceptions about their own behaviour or about the standing of
the alleged perpetrator. It is clear that the system as a whole is still failing this particular age
group in key ways. We recommend that the Government urgently review the support
offered by the child protection system to older children and consult on proposals for reshaping services to meet the needs of this very vulnerable group.
241 Ev w150 [Office of the Children’s Commissioner]
242 Qq227-8 [Sue Minto] Children first: the child protection system in England 57
4 Thresholds for intervention
158. Whilst the local authority has overall responsibility for child protection, other agencies
also have a duty of care, and will be involved in formal child protection intervention. The
revised Working Together guidance makes very clear what responsibilities all the relevant
agencies have, although serious concerns have been articulated regarding the lack of clarity
in respect of child protection roles and duties on various health bodies in the new
structures (see paragraphs 194 to 200 below).
159. Our inquiry has considered thresholds for intervention at two different levels under
the Children Act 1989: (i) the threshold operated by local authority children’s social care
for acting on a section 17 referral which invokes the duty of the authority to “safeguard and
promote the welfare of children who are in need within their area”; and (ii) the threshold
operated by local authorities for acting on a section 47 enquiry where the duty invoked is to
protect children who are suffering, or are likely to suffer, significant harm. We have also
looked at the threshold for adoption which is discussed later in this chapter.
Are thresholds for intervention set at the right level?
160. Whilst witnesses told us that the section 47 child protection threshold is clear in law,
243
the interpretation of what constitutes ‘significant harm’ seems to depend on individual and
collective judgements and inevitably varies as a consequence. The variation in the
application of the threshold by different local authorities was highlighted by different
witnesses,
244
and can be seen in the variation of the numbers and proportions of children
being made subject to child protection plans in different areas.
245
There is even greater
variation in section 17 child in need thresholds, since what is provided, and who is deemed
eligible for the interventions and how they are assessed, is even more at the discretion of
local authorities.
161. Witnesses told us that from their own observation the thresholds operated by local
authorities varied widely.
246
Ofsted agreed that some thresholds were set too high and some
too low.
247
John Goldup, was adamant that variation could not be accounted for just by
local flexibility, but was “about a falling-off from an accepted standards of service
delivery”.
248
He explained that where a threshold was set too low “we will find social care
services that are overwhelmed with large numbers of referrals, many of which could have
been more appropriately dealt with through preventative and universal services working
together”.
249
Setting thresholds too high could result in some children failing to receive the
243 See for example, Q465 [Enver Solomon]
244 See for example Q1 [John Goldup], Q464 [Phillip Noyes]
245 Department for Education, Characteristics of children in need 2011-12: Statistical First Release (October 2012)
246 For example, Ev 218 [Barnardo’s], Ev 238 [Professor Ward]
247 Q39 [John Goldup]
248 Q1; Q24
249 Q39 58 Children first: the child protection system in England
help they needed, although once a referral is received, councils often pass them on to the
family support services such as family centres.
162. The NSPCC reported “concerns that threshold levels can be driven by resource
constraints and cuts in spending could place children at further risk”.
250
Many others
argued that the current financial pressures on local authorities were responsible for an
increasing trend towards higher thresholds. A recent survey of 170 social workers by
Community Care found 82% believed they were under pressure to reclassify child
protection cases as less serious due to budget cuts, increases in referrals and a lack of social
workers.
251
Elsewhere, Action for Children similarly found that 80% of social workers
thought that “cuts to services will make it more difficult to intervene in cases of neglect”.
252
In evidence prepared for us, BASW members also reported that “there is a risk that
decisions about children’s best interests are made on the basis of cost rather than what they
need”,
253
and front-line professionals and the Children’s Society also supported the view
that decisions on intervention were being determined by capacity and resources, rather
than solely the needs of the child.
254
163. Professor Munro noted in her progress report that “local authorities [...] are having to
accommodate up to 28% reduction in their funding on average, but estimates of the cuts in
children’s services vary (ADCS, 2012). The evidence so far is that areas are making
significant attempts to protect early and preventative children’s services but do not think
this can be maintained in the coming financial year because of the level of cuts.”
255
In a
recent survey 29% of councils suggested that children’s services would make little or no
contribution to planned savings. PriceWaterhouseCoopers, which conducted the survey,
reports that “by far the biggest concern for both leaders and chief executives in terms of
achieving their savings targets over the next few years is the challenge of increasing
demand for services [...]. The fear for many is that, no matter the level of focus on
transforming internal processes and operations, the sheer level of demand within the
system (particularly in people-related services) will outweigh the savings that councils can
secure in practice.”
256
164. We have seen no hard evidence to back the assertion that thresholds are altered in the
light of financial resources or targets but anecdotal accounts suggest that this may have
happened covertly and there are real fears that local authorities may be forced down this
path. While the range of additional services on offer may be reduced in the current climate,
we do not believe that it would be acceptable to anyone, including local authorities, not to
offer protection to abused children because of budget constraints. As the NSPCC argued,
250 Ibid
251 Community Care (2011), “Social workers forced to leave children in danger as cuts hit child protection”,
http://www.communitycare.co.uk/static-pages/articles/child-protection-thresholds-survey/
252 Supplementary evidence from Action for Children
253 Supplementary evidence from Action for Children
254 Ev 238 [TCS]; Qq142-3
255 Munro progress report, paragraph 3.14
256 http://www.pwc.co.uk/government-public-sector/publications/the-local-state-we-are-in.jhtml256
Children first: the child protection system in England 59
“Threshold levels should not be about setting targets for children entering care or receiving
help, but doing what is best for each individual child”.
257
The Minister told us that “The
experience of the last year is that despite the increased pressure from numbers, most local
authorities have safeguarded their safeguarding budgets more than virtually any other part
of their budget”.
258
Professor Ward called for “monitoring of the impact of the current
economic situation and the likely retraction of some services on the extent to which
children are safeguarded from harm”.
259
We acknowledge the strenuous efforts made by
individual local authorities to minimise the impact of cuts on their child protection
services but we are concerned that this position might prove difficult, if not impossible,
to maintain as authorities are forced to find further savings in future years. We
recommend that the Government commission work to monitor the impact of the
current economic situation and cuts in local authority services on child-safeguarding.
165. We also recognise that there is a need for closer monitoring of how thresholds are
being applied and any trends in variability over time and between different authorities. The
NSPCC argued that there was a role for LCSBs to ensure that all relevant staff and agencies
understand and consistently apply thresholds and to develop best practice by working to
understand the drivers of variations in thresholds in their area and other comparable
areas.
260
We think there is also a role here for the Government and Ofsted. We recommend
that the Government commission research to understand the impact of varying
thresholds in different areas, and whether thresholds for section 17 and section 47
interventions are too high and/or rising in some areas. The data should be published.
Ofsted should also monitor and report on the variation between local authorities’
provision and changes over time. LSCBs should use this data to ensure that any
variation in their own area is justified by local circumstances.
166. In addition to a national picture of widely varying thresholds, we heard a great deal of
evidence that thresholds were generally set too high, including from front-line
professionals and even social workers. Research by Action for Children found that 42% of
social workers and 23% of police officers said that the main barrier to intervention was that
“the point at which they could intervene was too high”.
261
This impression was supported
in the oral evidence we heard from a GP, a teacher and a children’s centre manager.
262
The
teacher, Emma Grove, told us that “a child has to be at immediate risk of danger for it to be
picked up”.
263
BASW, representing social workers, received “all too frequent reports from
our members that thresholds are too high and great efforts are made to avoid care”.
264
Children England, the membership organisation for the children, young people and
families voluntary sector, agreed, attributing a raising of thresholds to pressure on local
257 Ibid
258 Q791 [Tim Loughton]
259 Q53
260 Ev 221
261 CP62A
262 Qq107, 143
263 Q143 [Emma Grove]
264 Supplementary evidence from BASW, para 27 60 Children first: the child protection system in England
authorities to cope with referrals to reduce the number of looked-after children.
265
The
NSPCC told us that, though their overall referral action rate was quite high,
266
“we have
serious concerns about how some local authorities respond to our referrals”.
267
167. Front-line professionals told us that they struggled to provide the kinds of evidence
required by children’s social care, even when they knew a family well and had well-founded
concerns, and despite evidence that those in universal services are best placed to identify
children in need early. Emma Grove told us “It just becomes intensely frustrating, having
the evidence, to get to that point” when referrals are finally picked up by children’s
services.
268
She explained “we do not necessarily have the evidence that social care need and
when they go out for a one-visit initial assessment and do some other background checks,
if that information does not come up, they say there is no case to answer”.
269
Her fellow
panellist, Theresa Lane, agreed that there was “a bit of a mismatch” between the “huge
amounts of information” gathered by schools and the evidence gathered in a single visit to
the family by social workers.
270
She explained that “You have to be very clever with the
language you use on the form actually to get them to notice”.
271
The witnesses also agreed
that it would help if those making referral were involved in decision-making about what
action to take.
272
168. The NSPCC told us that “thresholds into social care need to be such that social care
providers are available to help in cases where the data might be quite soft and where the
concerns might be, at present, unspecific”.
273
Our discussions with children revealed several
with experiences of front-line professionals’ judgements on their behalf being initially
turned down by children’s social care.
274
Given that the police, health and education
services are the biggest sources of referrals to children’s services
275
and that these sectors
generally have professionals who already act as filters for the concerns of others,
276
it is all
the more worrying that too often ‘soft’ intelligence from front-line professionals such as
teachers or GPs appears not to be used effectively, even when these professionals know a
family well. Witnesses accepted that there had to be a system to prevent social care services
from being inundated with referrals.
277
It may also be the case that in many of these cases
social workers are better able to judge risk and correctly deem referrals not to require
children’s social care intervention. Nevertheless, the referrals process needs to be able to
265 Ev 82
266 Qq 210-11
267 Q214
268 Q143 [Emma Grove]
269 Q147
270 Q146
271 Q144 [Theresa Lane]
272 Q183-4 [Emma Grove]
273 Q422
274 See Annex 6
275 Q522 [jennie Stephens]
276 Q181 [Theresa Lane]
277 Q 178 [Emma Grove] Children first: the child protection system in England 61
account for ‘soft’ intelligence, and get better at trusting the judgement of front-line
professionals. Where possible, those making the referral should be involved in
decision-making about what action to take.
169. The witnesses from schools also told us of their experience in having to make multiple
referrals for the same child.
278
Local authorities confirmed in evidence to us that “a
significant proportion [of referrals] are re-referrals”; in the case of Devon it was around 20-
22% of referrals.
279
High rates of re-referrals in some areas suggest that children’s social
care may reject genuine cases, and such levels may also in themselves overwhelm the
system. This is supported by academic analysis; for example the Child Welfare Research
Unit at Lancaster University conducted an analysis of re-referral data which found that
where multiple re-referrals were occurring, this led to ineffective intervention by children’s
social care, commonly as a result of systemic weakness in multi-agency, multi-provider
working.
280
The research found that high re-referral rates were concentrated in children’s
social care teams with the most serious staffing deficits.
281
170. It is self-evident that where referrals are dealt with properly the first time, demand
overall will be lower because there will be fewer re-referrals and resources will be released
to be used more effectively. Until recently re-referral rates were included in the national
information dataset which all local authorities had to supply. At present there is no general
monitoring of the rates of re-referrals, although Ofsted will ask for the information when
inspecting individual authorities. We consider that this should be done in a more
systematic way. We recommend that Ofsted monitor the re-referral rates in local
authorities and make a judgment whether they are a sign of underlying systemic
problems in particular areas.
171. A final concern on the part of frontline professionals was that their referrals were
often rejected and that they heard nothing back. Again, this was reported by Action for
Children as a message they had heard from teachers and health visitors
282
and was repeated
in oral evidence by our panel of professionals.
283
The latter understood that it was in the
procedures that the local authority should report back on each referral but called for action
to ensure that it happens in practice on every occasion.
284
We did hear of one local
authority piloting an automated response to referrals, which might be a useful model.
285
It
is clearly good practice for those referring a child to receive a report on what action has
been taken. We recommend that children’s services initial response (or equivalent)
teams be required by their LSCBs to feed back simply and quickly to the person making
a referral on whether and what action is taken in response. Ofsted should consider
278 Q141
279 Qq 548, 551 [Rory McCallum]
280 Ev 52 (Lancaster University)
281 Ibid
282 Supplementary Evidence from Action for Children, p3
283 Q105 [Theresa Lane]; Q144 [Dr Quirk]; Qq157-8
284 Q159 [Emma Grove]
285 See Annex 3 62 Children first: the child protection system in England
whether local authorities are giving adequate feedback to referrers, as part of its
investigations under the new inspection framework.
Common understanding of local thresholds
172. Evidence suggested that there was often poor mutual understanding of children’s
social care thresholds between agencies within the same area. The Ofsted 2009–10 report
on thresholds concluded that, in well-performing authorities, thresholds were understood
and “held in common” between agencies.
286
In contrast, the HMCI’s Annual Report 2010–
11 noted that, in poorly performing local authorities, “seven out of nine inadequate
authorities lacked clear thresholds for referrals that were understood by partner agencies,
leading to inappropriate referrals and additional pressure and work for social care
professionals”.
.287
The Local Government Group (comprising the LGA and five other
agencies) agreed that “thresholds for intervention can sometimes be a cause of
disagreement between agencies”.
288
173. The Local Government Group suggested that “multi-agency teams that bring together
all the information about a family are one way that an increasing number of councils are
adopting to address some of the challenges faced in making these decisions and that
referrals are responded to in an appropriate way. This approach effectively acts as a triage
system at an A&E department, and requires experienced staff to assess seriousness”.
289
We
also heard that, where agencies had co-located locally, joint thresholds were easier to
negotiate, and regular intelligence-sharing discussions could be held to help determine
which cases required intervention. On our visit to York, for instance, we heard how,
following implementation of a new information-sharing model, referrals were being
correctly determined at an earlier stage and those becoming child protection cases were
fewer and more serious.
174. Other witnesses called for multi-agency training—particularly of GPs and social
workers—to improve mutual understanding of thresholds. Dr Quirk accepted that “the
lack of understanding about how the other works can cause some conflicts” and suggested
this could be addressed “if, during our training, we spent an afternoon in each area—a
social worker came and sat in on a surgery for half a day in their training and GPs sat in
with a social worker for half a day as part of their training”.
290
Nigel King, who has a police
background in safeguarding children, also highlighted the need for staff in children’s social
care, police and health to have the appropriate multi-agency training as well as their own
specialised training.
291
We note that Dr Alu of the RCPCH was enthusiastic about joint
training but cautioned that “it should be at an appropriate level”: pitching it right for one
286 Ofsted, Annual Report of Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Education, Children’s Services and Skills 2009/10, HC 559,
Session 2010-12, p176
287 Ofsted, Annual Report of Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Education, Children’s Services and Skills 2010/11, HC 1633,
Session 2010-12 pp.144-145
288 Ev w100 [Local Government Group]
289 Ev w100
290 Q173
291 Ev w3 Children first: the child protection system in England 63
group might risk leaving a group at a lower or higher level disengaged.
292
An alternative
approach, brought to our attention by Sue Woolmore, representing the Independent
Chairs of the LCSBs, was focus groups “where they bring teachers together in a room with
members of the [LCSB] or social workers and find out what life is really like”.
293
175. The Minister told us that he placed “great store by joint agency training” and cited
“good examples of CPD centres around the country, where you can go and see a health
visitor sitting next to a teacher, next to a GP, next to a social worker, next to a police officer,
all being trained in safeguarding measures.”
294
We commend greater use of multi-agency
training, in particular for GPs, police, teachers and social workers, who were identified
as having very different understandings of risk and thresholds. We also encourage
LCSBs to take the initiative in finding further ways to enhance mutual understanding
between those making referrals and social workers.
Information-sharing between agencies
176. Many agencies may hold information on a particular child or family which, when put
together, creates a more accurate picture of the situation. A common theme in evidence,
however, was poor information-sharing between agencies, particularly where health
services were concerned.
295
GP Richard Quirk explained that the law enabled GPs to share
information in child protection cases, but that many GPs were unconfident about the
extent to which they could share information and were over-cautious:
A common complaint from social workers is that they are struggling to get
information on children and families from the GP. The views of the surgeries are
often that they have a duty to protect the confidential information of the patient and
to release information would be a breach of trust with the patient. Recent documents
from the General Medical Council and the medical defence unions encourage the
surgery staff to act in the best interests of protecting the child from harm and
therefore to release relevant information (preferably with consent from the child or
parent) when appropriate. This message is still struggling to get through and more
training of surgery staff is needed to help them recognise when and when not to
release information to social workers and other professionals.
296
177. The Medical Protection Society reported receiving “many queries from members
regarding consent and confidentiality where there are child protection concerns”.
297
The
Society considered that the most common cause of difficulty was “an almost universal
assumption by [other] agencies that they have an absolute right to access any [...] records in
their entirety”, even when only part of the notes is relevant.
298
This suggests that the picture
292 Q689 [Dr Shade Alu}
293 Q596
294 Q826 [Tim Loughton]
295 Ev w124
296 Ev w7
297 Ev w12
298 Ev w12 64 Children first: the child protection system in England
is not as simple as one of over-cautious doctors. The RCPCH stressed that the lack of
sharing was not intentional or done with “malice”: “it is just that interpretation of
balancing the two opposing concepts of confidentiality and information sharing differ
between groups” and “interpreting the concept of ‘relevant information’ is incredibly
difficult”.
299
178. The problem is not confined to the health sector. CEOP and ACPO representative,
Peter Davies, explained that there could be similar “anxieties among [police]officers
around sharing information during active investigations”.
300
He recognised, however, that
information could be held back unnecessarily “due to poor understanding of what
can/cannot be shared” and “the added fear of contravening human rights or data
protection laws”. Mr Davies agreed that “there needs to be more clarity on informationsharing protocols”.
301
179. Representatives of local authorities pointed out that families and children expected all
the agencies involved to have shared information and they identified a need for a
“reminder of [the duty to safeguard and promote the child] and expectation of datasharing”.
302
Devon County Council argued for “a starting point of ‘if in doubt, share’
[which] would certainly redress the balance”.
303
Jim Gamble, former head of CEOP,
proposed an amendment to the Data Protection Act 1998 “to create a positive duty to
actually share information when you believe a person might be at risk”.
304
The RCPCH
considered that this would be “a very radical solution” and warned that “without further
thought it would be difficult to know whether it would be a proportionate response and
one that embraces the complexities of the ethical dilemmas that professionals face when
assessing whether to share information”.
305
180. It is vital that this problem is addressed. There may be a role for local authorities and
LSCBs in clarifying to their partners what the requirements and limitations are around
information-sharing. The Devon MASH model of using a ‘virtual red box’ around
information is a useful way of promoting confidence amongst practitioners in
information-sharing. Peter Davies also suggested that clarifying the protocols on
information-sharing by the police could be taken forward as part of the response to the
report by the Children’s Commissioner.
306
The Minister told us that “there are not
legislative grounds or even data-protection grounds for why data is not being shared”.
307
The GMC has also recently concluded a review of its guidance to doctors on Protecting
children and/or young people: the responsibilities of all doctors. New guidance was published
299 Ibid
300 Ev 228
301 Ev 228
302 Q519 [Nigel Richardson]
303 Ev 212
304 Q34
305 Ev 225
306 Ev 228
307 Q843 [Tim Loughton] Children first: the child protection system in England 65
in July 2012 to come into effect at the start of September.
308
However, this clarity has not
necessarily filtered through to the front-line, most particularly to health practitioners but
also to the police. We recommend that the Government ensure that the guidance for
professionals in all the relevant agencies is absolutely clear about their statutory duties
on data protection and data-sharing with regard to protecting children, and that LSCBs
take a leading role in ensuring that this guidance is understood and acted upon in their
areas.
181. The Medical Protection Society recommended better training in this area to ensure
that professionals in other agencies understand what can be expected of doctors.
309
Dr
Quirk made the similar suggestion that LSCBs “provide multi-agency training on
confidentiality and information sharing so that there is a joint understanding across
agencies of when it is appropriate to share information (with or without consent) to protect
children from harm”.
310
We consider that information-sharing would form an
important component of the multi-agency training we call for (see paragraph 175) and
that LSCBs should work together to develop and support the provision of such courses.
The revised Working Together guidance should reinforce this.
Moving beyond thresholds
182. Academic experts drew our attention to the disjunction between the 10% of children
thought to be living with abuse and the much smaller numbers that were accepted as
referrals to children’s social care. This left “all of these below-the-threshold agencies—
teachers, GPs, health visitors—[...] working with child abuse, but they are not allowed to
call it child abuse”.
311
This is not just a matter of linguistics since it affects access to and
availability of services. The sharp divide between those below the threshold for
intervention and those above can also stigmatise parents in difficulty in a way that is
counterproductive. Professor Munro told us: “Although we need to have a level of
suspicion about serious abuse and neglect, we also need to know that most of the families
are struggling with a problem which is perhaps poor parenting but is not at the level where
we are wanting to turn to the law and compulsion. It is a real problem at the moment that
too many families feel scared and that they will be harshly judged rather than helped”.
312
183. Those we spoke to who were responsible for making referrals agreed that more
needed to be done to support those children whose cases did not meet the threshold for
statutory intervention. GP Dr Richard Quirk commented that “there does not seem to be
anything underneath the children’s social care child protection system that then can
provide support for that family locally”; and he called for further guidance for GPs “to
know where to send a child and family next”.
313
He considered that in a lot of these cases
308 http://www.gmc-uk.org/guidance/news_consultation/8411.asp
309 Ev w13
310 Ev w7
311 Q55 [Dr Brandon]
312 Q745 [Professor Munro]
313 Qq 109, 108 66 Children first: the child protection system in England
where children do not meet the threshold, all that was needed was extra support for the
parents.
314
Emma Grove, a teacher, similarly identified a gap in provision before families
were in crisis in the form of early intervention work by children’s social care professionals,
“working with schools, with everyone else”.
315
A positive example of how this could be
done involved groups of schools who were directly employing social workers as family
intervention workers.
316
184. It was implicit from other evidence that the concept of section 17 child in need
‘thresholds’ for receiving a service was not useful. Action for Children identified “a
tendency for some children and families to ‘bounce’ in and out of services” with services
“in place for a short time and then withdrawn when the urgency recedes”.
317
Barnardo’s
also argued that “use of the term ‘threshold’ detracts from the reality that children often
move across thresholds for intervention at different times. From our work we know that
many children will need a greater level of intervention some times more than others, but
they will always need a continuum of services”.
318
Barnardo’s reported that, to address this
reality, “Some local areas have used the concept of stepping up or down, rather than a case
being ‘open’ or closed’”.
319
185. An increasing number of local authorities are not using thresholds to determine
whether or not a family received a service, but are integrating their structures and
assessment processes to provide some kind of service to all children referred to them. We
saw this for ourselves on our visits to York and Doncaster and heard similar messages from
local authority witnesses. The Leeds DCS, Nigel Richardson, told us that he “struggled”
with the term “thresholds” and that services in his authority had been reconfigured to
provide a multi-agency response to “concerns about [...] children”, whatever the level.
320
Similarly, the Strategic Director, People from Devon County Council argued that
“thresholds can be very unhelpful to us” and that “key for me is the integration model,
intervening earlier and getting people really working on the child and their family at an
earlier point”.
321
This new focus on outcomes and on a multi-agency, whole systems
approach eliminated “the difficult conversation we have historically had about thresholds
[...] because actually you are dealing with a child, the concerns and who is best placed to do
what with an increased confidence in an area”.
322
186. We came across local authority children’s social care services working with different
models, but what many had in common was that they had co-located different agencies.
These included MASH (multi agency safeguarding hub) arrangements in which the MASH
314 Q110
315 Q114
316 Q137[Theresa Lane]; information gathered on visit to York
317 Supplementary evidence from Action for Children
318 Ev 182 [Barnardo’s]
319 Supplementary evidence from Action for Children
320 Q523
321 Q526 [Jennie Stephens]
322 Q527 [Nigel Richardson] Children first: the child protection system in England 67
operates as gatekeeper and all the agencies populate a MASH form with information from
their records before taking a decision on action. The experience reported from this change
and others like it, including the Integrated Pathway and Support Team in Tower Hamlets,
was consistently positive. We were told that it had improved decision-making, developed
joint understanding, and—critically—enabled an early conversation between professionals
about the risk of a particular case. Both Leeds and Devon told us that staff working in these
arrangements felt “a lot safer in their decision-making now” and that the “whole idea [...] is
about putting confidence back in the professional safeguarding network”.
323
Sharing
intelligence between agencies in this way allows them to draw more effectively on the ‘soft’
intelligence discussed earlier. Rory McCallum of Devon County Council explained that
“within the MASH, there is an unfettered information-sharing process that goes on, which
allows us to pool all of that intelligence to make a more accurate and improved decision as
to what that response needs to be”.
324
187. In Doncaster we visited a hub which had successfully included the police within the
partnership. Devon County Council, which had done likewise, told us that one of the
benefits of co-locating with the police was that it overcame some of the difficulties in
information-sharing.
325
From the police perspective, Peter Davies of CEOP and ACPO
described co-location as “best practice” as it “creates a strong foundation for better and
more trusting relationships”, although he cautioned that “co-location is not always
necessary and effective information-sharing can be done virtually”.
326
In oral evidence he
spelled out the benefits in terms of comparing data, “a shared, understood way of assessing
risk and a shared approach to the task”, as well as “cultural benefits with agencies
understanding each other better”.
327
He emphasised that “Child protection is a collective,
partnership-based, multi-agency endeavour. It cannot be done as a single agency”.
328
188. Ofsted endorsed the benefits of integrated, co-located, services, rather than children’s
social care operating as a ‘gateway’ to services.
329
It told us that “inspection has found that
such arrangements can deliver better responses to children and young people at the early
stages of trying to understand their needs and best next steps”.
330
In oral evidence John
Goldup explained that partnership working overcame the “siege mentality” which easily
developed when child protection was “a discrete area of work, isolated from the wider
range of services”.
331
The Minister predicted that “I would expect to see a version of MASH
operating in most local authorities around the country before long anyway, simply because
323 Q511 [Rory McCallum]; Q514 [Nigel Richardson],
324 Q504
325 Q518 [Rory McCallum]
326 Ev 227
327 Q642 [Peter Davies]
328 Ibid
329 Ev 176 [Ofsted]
330 Ibid
331 Q2 68 Children first: the child protection system in England
it is the most effective way of getting those partners to work together quickly and
efficiently”.
332
189. We were impressed by the evidence we saw of the change in attitude, coupled with a
change in structures, which is leading some local authorities to abandon the concept of a
threshold for services in favour of a more integrated model in which all children receive
appropriate help: what was described to us as the “you never do nothing” principle.
333
York
children’s services operate a similar “no wrong door” policy which means that all cases are
examined and offered support.
334
Early indications are that models where a front-door
triage service is conducted by social workers in conversation with other partners, before
any decision is taken on what action to take in response to a referral, is proving effective in
directing referrals appropriately, reducing caseloads, and enabling some service to be
offered to all children in need, at different levels.
335
This is not a silver bullet to solve all
problems. Indeed, one of the consequences to emerge from the evaluation of the Devon
model is that workloads for early help teams have increased and that a better range of
services is needed at this preventative tier.
336
That, however, is not an argument against
moving in this direction and we strongly encourage all local authorities to consider the
merits of moving to multi-agency co-location models. For best practice, this should
include co-location of local police child abuse teams with children’s social care.
Securing early intervention for children
190. For those children below the threshold for intervention, the CAF is intended to help
professionals work together to identify additional needs of children and young people aged
under 19. In some ways it has been successful. For example, one of its purposes was to
introduce a common conceptual understanding and language around child assessment.
Nevertheless, evidence to us suggested that the CAF is not being used consistently as it
should be to secure early intervention for a child. Steve Walker from Leeds City Council
told us:
One of the problems with CAF is that in many authorities it got very closely linked
with thresholds. The way that you evidenced that a family needed a service from
children’s care was to complete a CAF in a particular way. The other thing that
happened was that, rather than becoming a tool that facilitated a discussion and
assessment around a child and family, it became a mechanism by which I on my own
can fill something in and send it in as a referral to see whether I get a better response
than sending in a letter or making a phone call.
337
332 Q842 [Tim Loughton]
333 Q514 [Nigel Richardson]
334 See Annex 4
335 NFER (2011), Devon multi-agency safeguarding hub; a case study report,
http://www.nfer.ac.uk/nfer/publications/LGMX01/LGMX0.pdf
336 Ibid
337 Q538 [Steve Walker] Children first: the child protection system in England 69
Front-line professionals concurred that in practice the CAF was being filled in by each
professional separately with the result that it was not being used as a single assessment
form;
338
and that it was not being used as an assessment tool necessarily but in order to
make a referral.
339
In addition, it is not universal practice to use it: Dr Quirk admitted that
“the majority of GPs in England would not know what the CAF stood for and do not use
it”.
340
191. The Munro Review proposed a new duty on local authorities and statutory partners be
introduced to “secure the sufficient provision of local early help services for children,
young people and families”. Munro recommended that this duty should:
• specify the range of professional help available to local children, young
people and families, through statutory, voluntary and community services,
against the local profile of need set out in the local Joint Strategic Needs
Analysis (JSNA);
• specify how they will identify children who are suffering or who are likely to
suffer significant harm, including the availability of social work expertise to
all professionals working with children, young people and families who are
not being supported by children’s social care services and specify the training
available locally to support professionals working at the frontline of universal
services;
• set out the local resourcing of the early help services for children, young
people and families; and, most importantly;
• lead to the identification of the early help that is needed by a particular child
and their family, and to the provision of an “early help offer” where their
needs do not meet the criteria for receiving children’s social care services.
341
The Government rejected this recommendation, stating in response to a parliamentary
question that “We have engaged with partners in ADCS, health, police and education and
have concluded that we do not need a new statutory duty to deliver early help and that
there is sufficient existing legislation to realise Professor Munro’s recommendation”.
342
192. Enver Solomon from The Children’s Society told us that the Government’s decision
represented “a missed opportunity” and that “services will not always come in early to
avoid cases reaching crisis point will not happen in the way that the Government
collectively and all those working in this area would like to see”.
343
He was supported in this
338 Q117 [Theresa Lane]
339 Q118 [Emma Grove]
340 Q119 [Dr Quirk]
341 Munro (2011), Munro review of child protection: final report, a child-centred system, Recommendation 10
342 Written PQ, Tuesday 13 December: http://www.education.gov.uk/munroreview/downloads/PQ.pdf
343 Q432 70 Children first: the child protection system in England
by Dr Shade Alu of the RCPCH,
344
and we heard a similar plea from the LSCB Independent
Chair in Tower Hamlets for policy clarity from Government about what they expected
authorities to provide by way of ‘early help’.
345
In oral evidence, Rory McCallum from
Devon County Council argued that “an early help duty would have been beneficial in
allowing a bit of leverage in the system to bring people around the table for that cohort of
troubled families” who are neither on child protection plans nor consenting to work with
professionals through the Common Assessment Framework model.
346
On the other hand,
his counterpart from Leeds did not consider that he needed an additional duty to ensure
that his authority continued with the early help which was already under way.
347
193. The Minister told us that a further duty was unnecessary, given the “duties on all
partner agencies to co-operate to improve children’s well-being under section 10 of the
Children Act 2004”, but he agreed that “certain partners need to take their interpretation of
that duty rather more seriously than some have”.
348
He considered that the “LSCBs are one
of the means of making sure that everybody is stepping up to the mark”.
349
We believe that
it would help to incentivise the provision of a service to all children in need and clarify its
priority emphasis on early intervention in an increasingly crowded policy field if there were
a statutory duty of an ‘offer of early help’, as recommended in the Munro Review. We
recommend that the Government reconsider its rejection of the need for a statutory
duty to secure the provision of early help by a range of partner agencies.
Child protection and health reforms
194. During the course of our inquiry, fears were expressed from different quarters,
including health agencies, about how child protection structures will operate under NHS
reforms. In a letter to the medical journal The Lancet in February 2012 calling for changes
to the health and social care bill, 150 paediatricians, backed by the RCPCH, expressed
concern that the reforms would adversely impact child protection. It stated that:
Safeguarding of children will become even more difficult when services are put out
to competitive tender and organisations compete instead of cooperate. Children who
are vulnerable, neglected, or abused will inevitably slip through the net.
350
195. The RCPCH told us that practitioners reported a diminution of numbers of
designated leads: for instance, one individual was covering two named doctor and one
designated doctor posts.
351
The Designated Professionals’ Network wrote that designated
344 Q701 [Dr Shade Alu]
345 See Annex 3
346 Q530
347 Q532 [Nigel Richardson]
348 Q827 [Tim Loughton]
349 Ibid
350 http://offlinehbpl.hbpl.co.uk/NewsAttachments/PYC/lancet.pdf
351 Ev w195-6 Children first: the child protection system in England 71
leads were being required to cover both child and adult safeguarding.
352
Others, including
witness Dr Richard Quirk and the NHS Confederation, cited similar concerns about
restructuring.
353
The LSCB Chairs also raised questions about how the new Health and
Wellbeing Boards will oversee reforms to child protection and how the boards will relate to
LSCBs.
354
196. In oral evidence in May this year, Dr Alu of the RCPCH told us that she and
colleagues remained concerned about the health reforms. Asked whether there had by then
been clear guidance from the Department of Health as to where child protection would sit
in the new health landscape, she replied “a brief answer: no”. Dr Alu called for the
introduction of a statutory duty of early help on health agencies because “if things are not
in statute, certainly from a health point of view [...] a lot of the time those things do not
happen.”
355
197. Professor Munro’s 2011 Report recommended that “Government should work
collaboratively with the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, the Royal College of
General Practitioners, local authorities and others to research the impact of health
reorganisation on effective partnership arrangements and the ability to provide effective
help for children who are suffering, or likely to suffer, significant harm”.
356
The
Government accepted this in principle, but said it wanted to “go further and establish a coproduced work programme, to ensure continued improvement and the development of
effective arrangements to safeguard and promote children’s welfare as central
considerations of the health reforms”.
357
Despite this, Munro’s ‘One Year On’ review
expressed similar concerns. It explained that “there are also concerns that the reduced
guidance in Working Together to Safeguard Children happening at the same time as the
radical reform of the health service may lead to a loss of attention being paid to
safeguarding children in the health sector”.
358
198. In our final evidence session the Minister pointed to recent changes that had been
made to clarify the position, including in the revised draft Working Together statutory
guidance. He told us that these added up to “a whole series of conditions at the heart of the
health reforms that must be complied with, and that have safeguarding stamped all over
them”.
359
He also saw the new Health and Wellbeing Boards as presenting a “really exciting
opportunity” to bring different agencies together to make “sure dangerous behaviours can
be avoided, that young families are safe and have the parenting skills, and that we are
promoting public health measures on a local basis”.
360
352 Ev w172
353 Ev w7-8; Ev w163
354 Q599
355 Q701
356 Munro Review, Recommendation 8
357 Government Response to the Munro Review, p.18
358 Munro Progress Report, p11
359 Q825 [Tim Loughton]
360 Q826 [Tim Loughton] 72 Children first: the child protection system in England
199. We welcome the reassurance offered by the Minister about the impact of the
Government’s health reforms upon child protection but all the evidence to us strongly
suggests that more needs to be done to provide clarity and shore up confidence. There
is a real and urgent fear amongst health professionals in child protection and their
partners about the place and priority of child protection in the reformed NHS. The
Department of Health urgently needs to clarify where and how safeguarding and child
protection accountabilities will work under the new structures, in particular in the new
clinical commissioning groups and Health and Wellbeing Boards, and how these bodies
will relate to LSCBs. It should also confirm its continuing commitment to the role of
named and designated doctors and nurses for child protection.
200. To ensure that priority is given to the child protection in the new structures and to
provide a point of contact with the LCSBs, we recommend that one of the chairs of the
Health and Wellbeing Boards be nominated as a national lead on safeguarding
children.
Thresholds for removing a child to care
201. Figures as set out earlier in this report (see paragraphs 37 to 39) show an upward trend
in the number of children being taken into care over recent years. It should be noted,
however, that the numbers are not unusually high when looked at from a historical
perspective—for example, taking into account population size, in 1980 care numbers in
England were about a third higher than now at 95,000 (78 per 10,000 under 18) compared
with 65,520 in 2011 (58 per 10,000).
361
202. Part of the recent increase in the number of care applications may be the impact of the
2009 Southwark judgement (which made local authorities responsible for providing
accommodation and support to homeless 16 and 17 year olds). However, the single most
important factor is likely to be the response to the death of Baby P (Peter Connelly) in
2008. There is clear evidence that levels of Section 31 applications made by English local
authorities rose in the wake of the publicity around this case. Research by Cafcass
identified a “sharp increase” of 37% across England during the three weeks immediately
following publication of the Serious Case Review in November 2008.
362
However, Section
31 applications had already begun to rise in the period from July to September 2008, as
seen in the following chart.
361 Cliffe, D. With Berridge, D. [1991], Closing Children’s Homes: An End to Residential Childcare?, London: National
Children’s Bureau, Chapter 1
362 CAFCASS, The Baby Peter effect and the increase in x31 care order applications. Available at;
http://www.cafcass.gov.uk/pdf/Baby%20peter%20summary%20report%20FINAL%202%20Dec.pdf Children first: the child protection system in England 73
Figure 1: Total number of Section 31 applications in England, April 2007 to December 2009
203. Research by NFER for the Local Government Association concluded that by
heightening public and professionals’ sensitivity to child protection issues, the Peter
Connelly case may have led to improvements in detection and reporting of neglect and
abuse. The NFER also suggested that changes in demography and in parenting capacity
might have further contributed to the trend; respondents to their survey drew attention to
the potential for economic recession to increase stress on families. The view of most
research participants was that the present level of Section 31 applications will be sustained
in the future.
204. It has been suggested that, in the wake of cases like Baby Peter, local authorities and
social workers have become more risk-averse and lowered their thresholds for taking
children into care. John Hemming MP described the trauma caused by taking children into
care.
363
Other submissions also claimed that children are too readily taken from their
families. Campaigning group Parents Against Injustice (PAIN) estimated that between
10% and 20% of cases where children are removed from their families are false positives
where innocent families are subjected to unwarranted intervention.
364
Journalist Florence
Bellone suggested that “if the social workers come just before the weekly shopping and
open an almost empty refrigerator, they write that the family is starving the children”.
365
This is contradicted by a survey conducted by Cafcass of Children’s Guardians which
found that the majority considered the commencement of care orders in those cases to
have been appropriately timed, and that local authorities had not lowered their thresholds
of concern at which applications were made.
366
363 Q342
364 Ev w75
365 Ev w30
366 Ibid
2500
2000
1500
1000
500
0
Apr-Jun 07
Jul-Sep 07
Oct-Dec 07
Jan-Mar 08
Apr-Jun 08
Jul-Sep 08
Oct-Dec 08
Jan-Mar 09
Apr-Jun 09
Jul-Sep 09
Oct-Dec 0974 Children first: the child protection system in England
205. On the other hand, there is a growing body of evidence to suggest that thresholds need
to be lower. Witnesses from the courts found little or no evidence of inappropriate removal
of children and many instances where earlier removal would have been appropriate.
367
This
is backed by academic research: Professor Ward noted that “there is substantial evidence
that many children remain for too long with or are returned to abusive and neglectful
families with insufficient support”.
368
206. A brake on the number of children taken into care could be the widespread belief that
care damages children. Professor Ward told us of “a great fear of taking children into care;
there has been a lot of adverse publicity about the care system, even, though, in fact, the
evidence suggests that maltreated children do better in care than if they remain at home or
return to their families and continue to be maltreated”.
369
Research evidence is clear that
care is not of itself damaging,
370
but that consistently poorer outcomes for children in care
are more likely due to the conditions and damage done to those children before care. The
NSPCC argued that “studies show that outcomes for looked after children are often better
than for those who remain in damaging family situations; there is thus a need to tackle the
widely held belief that care is damaging to children”.
371
207. Permanence and stability are recognised as the key factors in success for children in
care. Sadly, in evidence to us Professor Biehal cited research which shows that delay in
removing children who could not be safely supported at home reduced the chance that
they would find a stable placement. Late admission to care was also significantly associated
with poorer outcomes for the children.
372
Other studies have confirmed the importance of
timing when children are separated from their families: Professor Ward’s recent work
showed that intervening early was critical to a child’s long-term success.
373
The 2010
Loughborough study found that “the main causes of delay were an almost universal
expectation that children would be able to remain with their birth parents”.
374
Whilst
parental capacity to change is key to decisions about a child’s long-term care, the evidence
is that some parents could not change even if they wanted to.
375
A study by Professor
Elaine Farmer at the Centre for Family Policy and Child Welfare at Bristol University
found that in almost half the cases where children returned home from care, particularly
over the age of 10, they were neglected or abused during the return.
376
Martin Narey
described this research as “compelling”, and concluded “This is not a system that is being
367 See for example Q754 [Judge Crichton]
368 Ev 179
369 Q104 [Professor Ward]
370 Q 341 [Martin Narey]; Ev 200 [NSPCC]
371 Ev 200
372 Ev 204, citing Biehal, Ellison, Bakes et al 2010
373 Ward H., Brown, R., Westlake, D., Munro, E. R., Infants suffering, or likely to suffer, significant harm: A prospective
longitudinal study
374 Ibid, Infants suffering, or likely to suffer, significant harm, p.4
375 Q84
376 Farmer, E R G (2009). “Reunification with birth families”, Schofield, G and Simmonds, J (Eds.) The child
placement handbook. London, BAAF, cited in Ev w 106. Children first: the child protection system in England 75
reckless about taking children into care. It is a system that is too optimistic about the
capacity to improve”.
377
208. The balance of evidence is heavily in favour of care being considered as a viable,
positive option at an earlier stage for many children. In this context, we note with concern
suggestions that local authority thresholds for removing children to care are too variable.
Enver Solomon of the Children’s Society claimed that “in terms of entry into care, you can
talk about more than 150 different approaches to thresholds rather than consistency”.
378
Some variation in the number and proportion of looked-after children is inevitable given
the very different circumstances in which local authorities work but we recognise that this
variability in itself might feed into suspicions that the threshold for intervention is too low
and that local authorities are interpreting the law as they choose. We welcome the research
by Cafcass into applications for care orders and recommend that this work be repeated
on a regular basis. An assessment of the reasons behind the local variability in care
applications is needed. We also believe that it is essential to promote a more positive
picture of care to young people and to the public in general. The young people to whom
we spoke were generally very positive about their experiences, including those who had
spent time in children’s homes. This is backed by academic research on outcomes.
Ministers should encourage public awareness of the fact that being taken into care can
be of great benefit to children.
Thresholds for adoption
209. Adoption has been the subject of much recent professional and policy debate, with
Martin Narey and others calling for greater, and earlier, use of adoption. The Government
has also brought forward proposals for increasing the number of adoptions, in part by
speeding up the associated court processes.
379
Supporters of the Government’s policies have
argued that adoption should be seen as a more positive option. For example, Martin Narey
told us “Adoption is only ever for a minority of children in care, but for those for whom it
is appropriate it can be transformational [... and it can] give a neglected child the sort of
upbringing that we like to think we gave our kids”.
380
210. There are some who strongly oppose this view. For example, John Hemming MP
argued that “the child protection system in England is particularly obsessed with
adoption”, and that Government provides perverse financial targets for increasing the
number of adoptions. Mr Hemming told us that children are “being removed at birth for
inadequate causes”.
381
He estimates that there are “around 1,000 a year” instances of
“forced adoption”, defined as “adoption where the parents’ consent is dispensed with, or
377 Q410 [Martin Narey]
378 Q434
379 Final Report; An Action Plan for Adoption (2012), Department for Education
380 Ev 164
381 CP01 76 Children first: the child protection system in England
“wrongful adoption”.
382
He argued that the thresholds for taking children into care were
inconsistent and also inconsistently applied:
For example, section 38 of the Children Act on interim care orders allows a child to
be taken into care if there is a belief, not necessarily that there is evidence. The
interim care order threshold is much lower than the final care order threshold, and
frequently during care proceedings the threshold changes from the start to the end of
the proceeding.
383
211. We received a number of other submissions, often from individual parents or relatives
or those representing them, which also alleged that children were being (routinely)
removed from their families for negligible and unjust reasons. Many of these told us their
very difficult personal stories. We are grateful to them for sharing these experiences in
order to assist our inquiry.
212. The majority of academic and other witnesses who commented on this issue reported
that there was no evidence to support the belief that “forced adoption” was widespread. For
example, Professor Ward told us that she had not come across the issue of forced adoption
“in any of the research that we have undertaken on babies in the care system, on very
young children likely to suffer significant harm. I am not aware that it has come across on
the Adoption Research Initiative either”.
384
The Children’s Society concurred.
385
It was
accepted by both these witnesses and by Martin Narey that there were occasional instances
of injustice.
386
Mr Narey estimated that “the proportion would be tiny—1% or 2%”, but he
considered that “it would be wrong of me to say that there are none that are
inappropriate”.
387
213. Witnesses agreed that even if the Government achieves its aim of increasing the
number of adopted children, this would only ever affect a small proportion of children in
care. Professor June Thoburn told us that “the scope for increasing adoption as a route out
of care is limited”, and she pointed out that the UK already places more children from care
with new parents (not relatives) than is the case for any other country.
388
In particular,
adoption is unlikely to be an appropriate or viable option for older children, sibling groups
or those who do not want to be adopted.
389
The vast majority of such children will always
be in foster placements and will not be adopted.
390
214. The Adolescent and Children’s Trust (TACT) emphasised that “the most effective way
of protecting children in care and developing resilience is by seeking permanence
382 Qq370, 371
383 Q339
384 Q81
385 Q485
386 Q81 [Professor Ward]; Q485 [Enver Solomon];
387 Q377
388 Ev w102
389 Ibid
390 Q 487 [Enver Solomon] Children first: the child protection system in England 77
whenever possible” and that long-term foster care may be the best option for older
children, especially if they have siblings and other extended families with whom they wish
to maintain a relationship.
391
Special Guardianships and residential care were also
presented as good options for some children, again particularly for older children.
392
Anthony Douglas from Cafcass told us that special guardianship has been “enormously
successful” in giving “certainty to children over where they live until they are 18 and [...]
certainty to carers that they can make their own decisions about parenting”.
393
John
Hemming told us that, based on official statistics, “Permanence has gone up in the last few
years each year, it is just that SGCs and residency orders have gone up, whereas adoption
has gone down”.
394
Witnesses stressed that the value of these alternatives should not be lost
in the focus of debate upon adoption and that the quality, stability and availability of these
placements needed to be addressed.
395
215. The importance of permanence and stability is underlined by the shocking evidence
we received of the number of times some children move in the course of their time in care.
It is clearly damaging to children to move from one form of care to another frequently; and
yet we spoke to children who had moved multiple times—in one case up to 16. Martin
Narey told us that he had “met countless children who have had 24 or 25 foster placements
and 21 or 22 different schools”.
396
He added: “We would never dream of doing this to our
children and for some children the very best option for them is [...] high quality residential
care”.
397
216. We endorse the Government’s current policy emphasis on increasing the number
of children adopted, speeding up the process and facilitating foster-to-adopt
arrangements. Adoption is clearly the preferred route to permanence and stability for
some children. However, the same goal can be achieved by other means and it is vital
that the Government and those in local authorities continue to concentrate effort and
resources on prioritising stability in placements for all children, whether through longterm fostering, Special Guardianship or residential care. We would welcome greater
debate on policies which might bring this about and greater encouragement from
Government for these alternative solutions. In particular, while we recognise that an
artificial limit on the number of times a child can be moved within the system would be
unworkable, there should be increased emphasis in central guidance aimed at limiting
the disruption and damage caused to vulnerable children by frequent changes.
217. We have listened with sympathy to concerns about widespread ‘forced adoption’, and
to the very personal and moving stories that often lay behind them. It is evident that there
are rogue misjudged cases with terrible consequences for those involved. This should not
391 Ev w203
392 See for example Qq353, 356 {Martin Narey]
393 Q780 [Anthony Douglas]
394 Q348 [John Hemming]
395 Q487 [Enver Solomon and Kate Wallace]
396 Q356
397 Ibid 78 Children first: the child protection system in England
happen and those affected are right to fight against such injustice. Nevertheless, the weight
of research evidence, matched by evidence to our inquiry, concluded that that the balance
tended to lie with authorities not taking children into care or adoption early enough, rather
than removing children from their parents without due cause. We note that the Minister
spoke of “work in progress” to look at “what further safeguards we might be able to
institute whereby there is a sort of appeals mechanism”.
398
This would have to be balanced
against the further delay to a permanent solution for the child which would inevitably
occur as a result.
399
An appeals mechanism against “forced” adoption is an interesting
idea and we look forward to examining the Minister’s proposals when they are
published.
398 Q793
399 Ibid Children first: the child protection system in England 79
5 Conclusion
218. In this inquiry we have come across a very 21
st
century picture of abuse. We have
heard of threats to the welfare of children from new forms of abuse resulting from
technology, as well as from older forms newly present in England. We have also heard of
the growing awareness of the prevalence of neglect and domestic violence which perhaps
were not so openly discussed in the recent past. In addition, there are the particular
difficulties faced by young asylum-seekers and trafficked children. In each case, at the heart
of it, is a child who has a right to protection from harm.
219. The scale and nature of the challenge makes this a huge task for the child protection
system. Fortunately, we have also heard of a system which is coping and which is building
on a strong base to implement further improvements. One former senior policeman told
us that from his experience of having worked in a number of different countries, “the
systems in the UK are far more advanced than in most other countries in the world”.
400
Other witnesses emphasised that England now has a system that other jurisdictions “look
at with respect and want to put in place themselves”.
401
The Minister concurred.
402
We
particularly commend the move to greater multi-agency working because of its focus on
ensuring that children do not slip through the system and its commitment to ensure that
no concern goes unanswered simply because of thresholds.
220. There are still improvements to be made, some of which we have highlighted in this
report. In particular, we have drawn attention to the poor fit between the needs of
adolescents and the design of a child protection system which does not always listen to
what these children say and often does not look beyond their behaviour. There are also real
cautions to heed: for example, whilst we very much welcome the reduction in bureaucracy,
we recognise the good sense of the warning from John Goldup of Ofsted that it is vital not
to “underestimate how important safe processes are in delivering safe services”.
403
Furthermore, there are widespread concerns about government reforms in other areas
such as health and their impact upon the service offered to children. Over and above this
are the enormous pressures the system is currently experiencing and which it will continue
to experience as a result of the simultaneous increase in demand for services and the
restriction on resources because of the economic situation. The impact of these pressures
must be monitored but cannot yet be known.
221. These are serious issues which have to be addressed head-on but nevertheless we
conclude this year-long study of child protection in England positive in important respects
about the workforce, the system and the direction of travel. The recent Rochdale review
and our own findings show how far there is still to go, but there is a real opportunity to
transform the child protection system through the implementation of the Munro report
and the Family Justice Review and social work reform which must be urgently pursued. It
400 Ev w2 [Nigel King]
401 Eg Q786 [Anthony Douglas]
402 Q867 [Tim Loughton]
403 Q7 [John Goldup] 80 Children first: the child protection system in England
is vital that the momentum for change is not lost, especially in the current economic
climate, and we call on the new Minister for Children and Families to champion the
reforms and ensure that they are carried through. We look forward to scrutinising future
Government proposals which take the child protection system in England further on its
journey.
Children first: the child protection system in England 81
Conclusions and recommendations
Neglect
Definition of neglect
1. We recommend that the Government investigate thoroughly whether the narrow
scope of the definition contained in the Children and Young Persons Act 1933 is
causing problems in bringing criminal cases of neglect. (Paragraph 45)
Scale of neglect
2. We recommend that the Government commission research to investigate whether
similar situations and behaviours are being classified as neglect in different local
authorities. (Paragraph 54)
Neglecting neglect
3. An understanding of the long-term developmental consequences of neglect and the
urgency of early intervention should be built into child protection training and
guidance for all front-line professionals, including those in health and education.
This would mean a strong focus, both in initial training and in continuing
professional development (CPD) courses, on normal child development, in terms of
emotional, intellectual, behavioural and physical development, and the impact upon
it of parental behaviour, including neglect. The training should extend to the
developmental impact of neglect on adolescents and the potential long-term effects
for this group of children. It would be highly advantageous for CPD in this area to be
offered to professionals from different disciplines training together, and we call on
the Government and the College of Social Work to take this forward. (Paragraph 65)
4. We believe that the needs of children and the importance of acting quickly to secure
early intervention for children are all too often not given enough priority. Securing
positive outcomes and meeting the needs of the child should come before all other
considerations. There needs to be a continued shift in culture so that there is earlier
protection and safeguarding of the long-term needs of the child. (Paragraph 66)
5. We recommend that Cafcass continue to monitor the responsiveness of local
authorities to neglect through the timeliness and quality of care applications. If there
are signs that improvement is not being sustained, the Government must be
prepared to act to ensure that local authorities respond promptly in cases of neglect.
(Paragraph 67)
Domestic violence and neglect
6. In cases of domestic violence, there should be no presumption that an abused parent
cannot be a good parent. Wherever possible, the focus should be on supporting that
parent and helping them to protect their children themselves, rather than on
removing the children. But the interests of the children must come first. Guidance
and specialised training in this sensitive area should be reviewed and updated and
highlighted to all social workers. The Department for Education must liaise more82 Children first: the child protection system in England
closely with the Home Office on issues relating to child protection and domestic
abuse. (Paragraph 72)
Older children
Professionals’ perceptions of older children
7. Both the College of Social Work, in outlining curricula, and individual institutions
delivering social work training must ensure that teaching delivers an understanding
of the effect of maltreatment on older children, their ability to cope with it and the
long-term implications for their future well-being. (Paragraph 82)
8. Practitioners of all disciplines, including social workers, the police, GPs and others,
must demonstrate greater awareness of the fact that older children may also be
vulnerable and be a ‘child in need’. The Government and LSCBs should remind
practitioners of their statutory duty to assess the needs of those children and to offer
support. (Paragraph 87)
Care options
9. We recommend that Ofsted monitor and report as a standard part of all inspections
on the quality and suitability of the provision made by local authorities for older
children, taking into account the views of the children themselves. It is essential that
as much attention is paid to the care options provided for vulnerable young people as
to those provided for younger children. (Paragraph 92)
10. We are particularly concerned about the position of care-leavers and the
accommodation and range of support provided for them. The impact on their life
chances is highly significant and this area needs further detailed examination.
(Paragraph 93)
Specialised forms of abuse
11. The issues raised by trafficked children, and possible changes to the guardianship
system, require far more detailed attention than we have been able to give in the
course of this inquiry. We share ECPAT’s concerns about the number of children
going missing once identified by the authorities and the likely numbers of those who
are not discovered in the first place. The Government must act faster and more
effectively work with others to address this. (Paragraph 103)
12. We are also concerned by the treatment of children found in criminal settings. The
police and the UKBA have a focus on detecting crime and implementing
immigration policy which can lead to the criminalisation of abused and vulnerable
children found in these situations. Such children must always be treated as victims—
and children —first and not just as criminals. Training and guidance should be given
to police and UKBA front-line staff to this effect. (Paragraph 104)
13. Children’s charities and others have raised legitimate concerns about the correlation
between Government policies on immigration and the incidence of destitution
amongst asylum-seeking and migrant children. It would be outrageous if destitution
were to be used as a weapon against children because of their immigration status. We Children first: the child protection system in England 83
call on the Government to review the impact of immigration policy upon child
protection and children’s rights to ensure that this is not the case. (Paragraph 109)
14. We are concerned that abuse between teenagers is an overlooked issue in the child
protection system. There is a need for the issue to be recognised and for strategies to
be developed to deal with the complications involved in assisting victims and
perpetrators out of the abusive situation. We welcome the current Government plan
to extend the definition of domestic abuse to under 18s and to include “coercive
control”. Teenagers in such situations need appropriate support from all those with
whom they come into contact. We consider that training for social workers must
include specific input on these issues. We also recognise that abuse between
teenagers is most likely to be dealt with by schools and youth workers who need
training and guidance to be confident in their role. Finally, there is a need for greater
willingness to take action on the part of the authorities. There is research evidence
that those who have experienced abusive relationships are more likely to have
children who also experience abuse. This makes it all the more important to stop the
cycle as effectively and as quickly as possible. (Paragraph 114)
15. We welcome the Government’s plans to increase protection of children against
forced marriage, and the recent efforts made to highlight the issue. We urge the
Government to increase awareness of the availability and use of Forced Marriage
Protection Orders and to take steps to improve the monitoring of compliance with
such orders. (Paragraph 124)
16. We recommend that the College of Social Work take a leading role in co-ordinating
and promoting awareness of CPD training in specialised forms of abuse and in
encouraging other disciplines to participate in relevant courses. For more general
use, if the guidance on specialised forms of abuse is to be deleted from Working
Together, the Government needs to make clear where such guidance will be found in
future and how it will be updated and signposted to social workers and other
professionals. (Paragraph 133)
17. We are also concerned that professionals faced with a specific type of abuse with
which they are not familiar should have an identifiable source of expertise to consult
in person. Local authorities should nominate a specialised child abuse practitioner to
lead on such matters. Where an authority has a low incidence of a particular form of
child abuse, they should be able to draw on the expertise of nominated practitioners
in other authorities. (Paragraph 134)
18. We agree that the primary aim within Government must be effectiveness but we are
not convinced that the system at the moment enables vulnerable children to be
treated as children first. Other agencies, such as those involved in immigration and
crime, cannot reasonably be expected to put the interests of the child before their
statutory responsibilities on their own initiative. We therefore recommend that the
Department for Education be given explicit overall responsibility for the welfare of
all children, including those who have been trafficked or who are seeking asylum.
(Paragraph 136)
84 Children first: the child protection system in England
Help-seeking by older children
19. We recommend that local authorities monitor the situation with regard to youth
services and report to the Government on the impact of cuts in the provision of such
services upon safeguarding. We also recommend that LSCBs work together to
establish best practice in raising awareness of and ensuring a better response to child
abuse amongst older children through the co-ordination of the efforts of all the
agencies in their local area. (Paragraph 140)
20. We recommend that local authorities encourage schools and other universal settings
to provide more peer-led support, such as peer safeguarding forums and peer
mentors. They should seek to learn and apply lessons learnt from the apparent
success of the schemes described to us by The Children’s Society. (Paragraph 142)
21. We recommend that the Government encourage local authorities to include on their
website information aimed at older children on how to make a self-referral. This
information should also clearly set out what children can expect once the referral has
been made in order to remove the sense of loss of control and uncertainty that
children needing support may experience. (Paragraph 145)
22. We recommend that local authorities include in their ‘pledge’ a requirement for all
social workers and carers to ensure that children know about and have access to their
local Children in Care Council and other advocacy support in their area. (Paragraph
148)
23. If the current discussions with CEOP do not resolve the limitations in the technical
support available to ChildLine on a permanent or sustainable basis, then we
recommend that the Government consult the police and ChildLine on possible
legislative solutions to their difficulties in identifying those at risk of immediate
harm. (Paragraph 151)
24. We recommend that ChildLine be assisted and enabled by the Government to
market its existence and services more widely, especially to older children. ChildLine
should also review how it could improve its services for particular groups of children.
We would expect the Government to look favourably upon financing or otherwise
aiding any proposals which would improve the effectiveness of ChildLine in reaching
these groups. (Paragraph 155)
Conclusion – older children
25. We recommend that the Government urgently review the support offered by the
child protection system to older children and consult on proposals for re-shaping
services to meet the needs of this very vulnerable group. (Paragraph 157)
Thresholds for intervention
Are thresholds for intervention set at the right level?
26. We acknowledge the strenuous efforts made by individual local authorities to
minimise the impact of cuts on their child protection services but we are concerned
that this position might prove difficult, if not impossible, to maintain as authorities Children first: the child protection system in England 85
are forced to find further savings in future years. We recommend that the
Government commission work to monitor the impact of the current economic
situation and cuts in local authority services on child-safeguarding. (Paragraph 164)
27. We recommend that the Government commission research to understand the
impact of varying thresholds in different areas, and whether thresholds for section 17
and section 47 interventions are too high and/or rising in some areas. The data
should be published. Ofsted should also monitor and report on the variation between
local authorities’ provision and changes over time. LSCBs should use this data to
ensure that any variation in their own area is justified by local circumstances.
(Paragraph 165)
28. The referrals process needs to be able to account for ‘soft’ intelligence, and get better
at trusting the judgement of front-line professionals. Where possible, those making
the referral should be involved in decision-making about what action to take.
(Paragraph 168)
29. We recommend that Ofsted monitor the re-referral rates in local authorities and
make a judgment whether they are a sign of underlying systemic problems in
particular areas. (Paragraph 170)
30. We recommend that children’s services initial response (or equivalent) teams be
required by their LSCBs to feed back simply and quickly to the person making a
referral on whether and what action is taken in response. Ofsted should consider
whether local authorities are giving adequate feedback to referrers, as part of its
investigations under the new inspection framework. (Paragraph 171)
Common understanding of local thresholds
31. We commend greater use of multi-agency training, in particular for GPs, police,
teachers and social workers, who were identified as having very different
understandings of risk and thresholds. We also encourage LCSBs to take the
initiative in finding further ways to enhance mutual understanding between those
making referrals and social workers. (Paragraph 175)
Information-sharing between agencies
32. We recommend that the Government ensure that the guidance for professionals in
all the relevant agencies is absolutely clear about their statutory duties on data
protection and data-sharing with regard to protecting children, and that LSCBs take
a leading role in ensuring that this guidance is understood and acted upon in their
areas. (Paragraph 180)
33. We consider that information-sharing would form an important component of the
multi-agency training we call for (see paragraph 175) and that LSCBs should work
together to develop and support the provision of such courses. The revised Working
Together guidance should reinforce this. (Paragraph 181) 86 Children first: the child protection system in England
Moving beyond thresholds
34. We strongly encourage all local authorities to consider the merits of moving to
multi-agency co-location models. For best practice, this should include co-location
of local police child abuse teams with children’s social care. (Paragraph 189)
35. We recommend that the Government reconsider its rejection of the need for a
statutory duty to secure the provision of early help by a range of partner agencies.
(Paragraph 193)
Child protection and health reforms
36. We welcome the reassurance offered by the Minister about the impact of the
Government’s health reforms upon child protection but all the evidence to us
strongly suggests that more needs to be done to provide clarity and shore up
confidence. There is a real and urgent fear amongst health professionals in child
protection and their partners about the place and priority of child protection in the
reformed NHS. The Department of Health urgently needs to clarify where and how
safeguarding and child protection accountabilities will work under the new
structures, in particular in the new clinical commissioning groups and Health and
Wellbeing Boards, and how these bodies will relate to LSCBs. It should also confirm
its continuing commitment to the role of named and designated doctors and nurses
for child protection. (Paragraph 199)
37. To ensure that priority is given to the child protection in the new structures and to
provide a point of contact with the LCSBs, we recommend that one of the chairs of
the Health and Wellbeing Boards be nominated as a national lead on safeguarding
children. (Paragraph 200)
Thresholds for removing a child to care
38. We welcome the research by Cafcass into applications for care orders and
recommend that this work be repeated on a regular basis. An assessment of the
reasons behind the local variability in care applications is needed. We also believe
that it is essential to promote a more positive picture of care to young people and to
the public in general. The young people to whom we spoke were generally very
positive about their experiences, including those who had spent time in children’s
homes. This is backed by academic research on outcomes. Ministers should
encourage public awareness of the fact that being taken into care can be of great
benefit to children. (Paragraph 208)
Thresholds for adoption
39. We endorse the Government’s current policy emphasis on increasing the number of
children adopted, speeding up the process and facilitating foster-to-adopt
arrangements. Adoption is clearly the preferred route to permanence and stability
for some children. However, the same goal can be achieved by other means and it is
vital that the Government and those in local authorities continue to concentrate
effort and resources on prioritising stability in placements for all children, whether
through long-term fostering, Special Guardianship or residential care. We would
welcome greater debate on policies which might bring this about and greater Children first: the child protection system in England 87
encouragement from Government for these alternative solutions. In particular, while
we recognise that an artificial limit on the number of times a child can be moved
within the system would be unworkable, there should be increased emphasis in
central guidance aimed at limiting the disruption and damage caused to vulnerable
children by frequent changes. (Paragraph 216)
40. An appeals mechanism against “forced” adoption is an interesting idea and we look
forward to examining the Minister’s proposals when they are published. (Paragraph
217)
88 Children first: the child protection system in England
Annex 1: Visit to independent children’s homes in Barnsley, October
2011
Background
Residential children’s homes can be run by local authorities, voluntary or private sector
providers. The proportion run by local authorities has declined, with the independent
sector (comprising both voluntary and private providers) now comprising around twothirds of all homes.
Latest Department for Education figures show that, in 2011, there are 640 children in
residential care homes in England. This is a small number compared to the number of
children in foster care placements (48,530) and the number placed for adoption (2,450).
Pennine View residential home
• Four bed mixed gender residential home for 11–17 year-olds. Run by Dove
Adolescent Services, an independent provider.
• Dove owns nine homes in total: six in South Yorkshire and three in West Yorkshire.
• Dove established by ex-local authority worker in 1993, at a time when private homes
were rare. Founders felt that many authority homes were inadequate or
insufficiently staffed. They recruit and train staff for all nine homes themselves.
• All Dove staff are trained to NVQ Level 3 in residential childcare.
• Local authorities pay fees of £2,300 per week for each young person.
• Dove has won contracts with local authorities to provide certain specialist care to
groups of young people with particular needs.
• Dove is selective in its admissions, not on the basis of how easy young people may be
to look after, but on the basis of an assessment of whether it can meet the needs of
each young person effectively. It does not want to accept a young person who it
subsequently fails, since this can compound rejection for that young person.
• Some residents attend college, others have work placements or attend pupil referrals
units.
• Pennine View had three residential childcare workers on duty at any one time.
These staff were responsible for all duties within the home.
• There is a ‘20 mile rule’ governing local authorities, which ensures children placed
in care are within 20 miles of their parents. Under the rule, Pennine View receives
referrals from the Barnsley, Doncaster and Leeds areas.
• Young people in Pennine View have already been through multiple foster
placements—up to 13 each—before coming to the home.
• Support staff are trained in child development.
• Staff argued that earlier assessment of children is needed. For some, foster care is not
appropriate: they may not want an intimate family setting and can ‘sabotage’ foster
placements. For such children, residential care may be the best option.
• Staff agreed that there was an urgent need to intervene and take children into care
earlier. Too often children were moved from one failed foster placement to another. Children first: the child protection system in England 89
Too often the children reached the home too late, making it very difficult for staff to
encourage them to trust adults.
• It is important to ‘de-mystify’ the home: for instance, staff hold an open evening for
neighbours to meet residents and key workers.
• Residents tended to want to leave the home when they turned 16. However, staff felt
that this was often a bad option for the young people, who needed someone to both
challenge and support them for some years more.
Amber House residential home
• Four bed mixed gender residential home for 11–17 year-olds. Run by Pebbles Care,
an independent provider.
• Residents are at school or special school, some are at college, others are job-hunting.
• Residents’ backgrounds involved a mixture of neglect, parents being unable to cope
with their caring responsibilities, and entanglement with the youth justice system.
• There were weekly residents’ meetings to decide on menus for the week ahead and
divide up cooking responsibilities. Staff placed an emphasis on eating together.
• Residents each earned a sum each week of ‘activity money’ which they decided
together how to spend. Activity money was forfeited for bad behaviour.
• Staff reported that it was hard to manage the transition out of the care system, as
support networks were often not in place.
• Staff reported very good relations with the local Child and Adolescent Mental
Health Service (CAMHS) and Youth Offending Team (YOT).
Discussion with staff of the independent children’s homes association (ICHA)
• Independent children’s homes almost all comprised four or five beds. Local
authorities tended to have six or seven bed homes; there were few very large homes
left.
• The independent and local authority sectors on the whole dealt with different
groups of children. Independent homes tended to accept children with more serious
or specialist needs.
• There exists a difficulty with transition of young people out of the care system post–
16. Many young people need support for several years beyond age 16, many into
their 20s.
• There has been limited research into the benefits of residential care, especially
compared with other forms such as adoption and fostering. Some research suggests
that 10-13% of looked-after children would benefit from residential placements.
• Children in independent children’s homes remain under the care of their local
authority.
• There needs to be a dual parenting role, with the child’s key worker acting as a
‘parent’ in the home and their social worker acting as ‘parent’ on behalf of the local
authority.
• Research by the National Children’s Bureau on the moral and retention of staff in
children’s homes suggests that most stay for around ten years, and that the quality of
training they receive is a significant factor in their retention. 90 Children first: the child protection system in England
• Leaving Care teams need to be much more involved with the previous care provider:
this work should begin 1-2 years before a young person leaves care.
• Derbyshire and Oxfordshire have some good practice with regard to residential care.
• Whilst greater standardisation across the care system may not be desirable, a better
description of each minimum standard for care would be helpful to practitioners.
Children first: the child protection system in England 91
Annex 2: Visit to NSPCC Adult Helpline and Child Line, March 2012
Adult helpline
The helpline has 45,000 contacts per year from the public. It liaises directly with the
police and children’s social care. Some 45% of its contacts become referrals to the police
or children’s social care. Around a third of calls are made outside office hours.
Around 20–25% of calls are cases which the NSPCC considers to be of concern. The
majority (the remaining 75–80%) are calls from people who want guidance or
signposting. Around 70% of contacts choose to remain anonymous.
The number of malicious calls is small, perhaps less than 3%. It is difficult to be certain
whether calls are malicious or simply mistaken. Around 5-10% of contacts do misuse
the service, for instance prank calling; it is quite easy to discern these calls early on.
NSPCC also runs commissioned helpline services, for instance for specific police
investigations. Twelve or thirteen such helplines were run in 2011, including one for the
Haut de la Gueraine (Jersey) investigation. These helplines might be targeted at a small
local area, or might be run nationwide, perhaps where individuals involved in an
incident might have dispersed. For instance, the Football Association funds a service for
those concerned about abuse of children in football settings.
Demand is increasing. Five years ago the helpline made around 10,000 referrals to the
police or children’s social care each year; now this is 25,000. The majority of callers are
neighbours, rather than those in a duty of care position. The NSPCC considered that
this increase might not only represent an increase in prevalence of abuse, but in
awareness and reporting. On the whole, the number of advice calls was decreasing and
the number of serious cases increasing: the availability of information and guidance on
the internet might have contributed to the decrease in advice calls.
The helpline did ask callers for their general locality but did not map the geography of
callers very precisely. There were, however, certain ‘hotspots’ including Brent, Tower
Hamlets and Newham in London. There was also a higher level of neglect in some
‘rural’ settings than in urban ones—for instance, in North Essex.
The helpline is staffed by trained social workers, who are trained together on thresholds.
It has the ability to do ‘warm call transfers’—moving calls from/to other helplines with
the caller still on the line. The NSPCC helpline is effectively a triage team, offering
advice, signposting or onward referral. It answered around 95% of all calls.
Discussion with Andrew Flanagan, Chief Executive
ChildLine promised confidentiality to child callers; this was different to the adult
helpline. However, if staff believed that a child was at risk this confidentiality could be
broken. 92 Children first: the child protection system in England
There had been a significant increase in online contact from children, who tended to be
less inhibited online. The difficulty with online contact is that it is hard to identify
children in cases where they may be in danger. NSPCC had to go through CEOP (the
Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre) whose technicians could track down
internet addresses. There were problems with this arrangement, however, not least
CEOP capacity and the fact that they did not provide 24/7 support. NSPCC was in
conversation with the Metropolitan and other police forces about their providing some
technical assistance, but individual police forces lacked the expertise in identification.
There was a role for a more central service at a national level, perhaps co-ordinated by
the new National Crime Agency. A further complication was that the increase in smart
phones made it more difficult to identify physical locations.
There was not enough public awareness of the adult helpline. More than 50% of callers
to the helpline had been worried about a child for a month or more. NSPCC needed to
promote the helpline further and increase awareness about it.
Of those who contacted ChildLine, around 600,000 required some form of counselling
or intervention. A child’s first call tended to be a ‘test’ to see what reaction they got;
often they would later call back to discuss more serious topics. This meant that call
handlers needed to be willing to listen to and encourage children, even if they presented
with seemingly small concerns.
The NSPCC prevalence study suggested that one in five secondary school children had
experienced serious abuse. The numbers contacting ChildLine suggested that they were
not reaching enough children. The majority of calls came from 11 to 16 year olds.
ChildLine answered all calls. It was staffed by volunteers, with two supervisors
overseeing each shift. If a volunteer received a difficult call they could put their hand up
and receive extra support.
NSPCC was offering a new primary school service targeting 9 year olds. It was visiting
schools and providing information and techniques to children as to how to keep safe,
and who to contact if they were concerned. They reported that children were disclosing
in such sessions. The service was currently reaching 500 primaries but was being rolled
out across the country. It was staffed by volunteers, and needed about 4500-5000 in
total.
ChildLine
ChildLine had seen an increase in online contacts, and an increase in ‘breaches’ (where
confidentiality had to be broken to identify a child) – these had increased by 15% in
2012.
ChildLine was used by a range of ages, not only those who would identify as ‘children’.
It was a trusted brand. Most of its calls were from 14 to 16 year olds and it actively Children first: the child protection system in England 93
reached out to 16 to 18 year olds through appropriate media such as facebook. Less than
20% of calls were from children aged 11 and under.
Within the previous year ChildLine had started categorising calls by risk. Around 30-
35% were considered to be high risk, that is, at or above the threshold for ‘significant
harm’. Around 2,000 calls were ‘breached’ each year: these were ones where the child
was deemed to be in life-threatening danger. These calls occurred more frequently
during late evening and night time. The number of suicidal teens was also going up.
There was a real challenge around being able to identify where children were who
contacted ChildLine online. CEOP provided some support, but the police in general
could do more in this regard. One recommendation that NSPCC/ChildLine would
request would be 24 hour online technical support from the police for ChildLine in
identifying the location of ‘breach’ calls.
Confidentiality was an important part of ChildLine’s operation. Callers were often
anxious about being able to speak in confidence. Callers were told the caveats about
confidentiality, and ChildLine always worked with the child and informed them of the
decision to breach confidentiality, where this was needed.
Volunteers judged the seriousness of the call on the basis of how concerned a child was.
They never dismissed the concerns of a child, even if they were seemingly minor.
Volunteers were briefed at the start of each shift and there was a debrief at the end.
ChildLine handled 1.2 million calls a year.
Peer support offered to young people through the website was important. The ChildLine
message boards were well used, and this kind of online support could be expanded. The
message boards were also a vehicle to seek feedback and survey users.
In terms of the subject of calls, neglect did not feature within the top five or six reasons
for contacting ChildLine. Depression, suicide and self-harm were the most common
categories. The call handler made the judgment about which was the main category of
concern of the caller. Very often there were multiple concerns. Neglect was quite hard to
categorise as a main concern: it was much more likely to be an underlying cause of other
behaviours.
Staff recommended that each local authority should be required to give every lookedafter child information about ChildLine. Many looked-after children said that ChildLine
was trustworthy but that they were not previously aware of it. They also noted that
children in secure accommodation had no right of access to ChildLine, and
recommended that this position be rectified. 94 Children first: the child protection system in England
Annex 3: Visit to Tower Hamlets children’s services, March 2012
Overview of IPST
The Integrated Pathway and Support Team (IPST) was established in 2009 and has been
“hugely successful” with families. Tower Hamlets has around 1,300 contacts per month
(incidents, not necessarily cases).
In 2006/07 and 2008/09 Tower Hamlets had an increase in referrals and an increase in
initial and core assessments. It decided to change its approach to referral and
assessment, by co-locating children’s social care and partner agencies, including health,
housing and police. Each member of the integrated team has a particular specialism, in
addition to their daily role: such as vulnerable young women, domestic violence.
The Child Protection Advice Line is a designated contact line for schools and children’s
centres and is part of the IPST.
There is an outreach team, which mediates between young people and parents.
Prior to the IPST, some 33% of cases were progressing from contact to referral and
assessment. Now only approximately 13% are progressing. This is because contacts are
being systematically screened and where appropriate sent to agencies such as Children’s
Centres or the Outreach Service (which mediates between young people and parents).
Agencies such as these provide key working preventative support to families. In
addition, IPST completes borderline child in need assessments.. The consequence is
that those cases going to the Assessment and Intervention Team are more complex and
more appropriate for escalation.
IPST focus group
Team members from different disciplines felt that multi-agency working was very
strong, and enabled them to intervene with families earlier. Being co-located meant that
the team could diagnose early on what the problems in a family were, and offer
appropriate support. Decisions were also made quicker within the team, and the
specialisms held by individual team members meant that they could consult one another
for additional advice.
Having a single team was more meaningful for families: there could be a single
assessment and single point of contact, rather than dealing with multiple professionals.
Because the IPST was involved earlier with a family, if a formal assessment became
necessary, the fact that there was a pre-existing relationship could make the family more
co-operative and less anxious. It made the interaction with children’s social care feel less
punitive and more supportive.
The IPST was encouraging partner agencies in contact with families, such as schools, to
take greater responsibility. Every school has a named Attendance and Welfare Officer. Children first: the child protection system in England 95
The majority of referrals to IPST came from police: approximately 70% of contacts
overall. IPST was trying to reduce the number of referrals from police by ensuring that
contacts sent through need to be considered by children’s social care. Police also sent
contacts to other agencies, such as the Youth Offending Team. When a section 47
investigation (core assessment) was required, the police and the Assessment and
Intervention team duty manager formulated an approach jointly before going to see the
family.
In emergencies, police could issue a Police Protection Order, in order to take children
into police protection. This happened more commonly out of hours. The IPST felt that
the use of PPOs was sometimes adversarial: an alternative response could have been
used in several cases. For instance, an 18 month old baby was removed from its parents
by police under a PPO, because there was a fear of the parents absconding; IPST
members suggested that the police could instead have confiscated the parents’ passports.
Asked whether resources constrained decision-making, team members said that when a
case really requires assessment or intervention resources did not prevent that
happening.
In terms of the key challenges of moving to IPST, members thought that managing
professional anxiety remained a challenge, and one which was being approached by
building the confidence of partners in the Common Assessment Framework and
through the Tower Hamlets Family Wellbeing Model which clearly sets out levels of
need.
IPST had tried different strategies to give feedback to referrers. It was implementing a
system on the electronic database to send out an automatic response to referrers.
Health was represented on IPST. The health team member could access health visitor
records. The post was jointly funded by Tower Hamlets community health services and
Tower Hamlets children’s social care.
Asked for recommendations, the IPST members said:
• Reduce the number of forms to fill in, allowing social workers to spend more
time with families (Munro was right on this point);
• Raise the profile of social workers;
• Local authorities to improve at multi disciplinary working;
• Investment in frontline workers, in particular training together with partner
agencies.
Partners’ focus group
Asked for recommendations, the partners said: 96 Children first: the child protection system in England
• Information-sharing by police needs to improve;
• Information-sharing by health, particularly GPs, needs to improve.
There was a particular issue still with GPs, who often didn’t want to share information
even with other health partners. There was over-caution and uncertainty: if people were
not clear what could and couldn’t be shared, they shared nothing. Partners considered
that if families were engaged earlier on in the process and co-operated with the
involvement of IPST, information-sharing would be much easier as they could be asked
for permission. The real problem for families—and a reason that they disengaged with
the process – was when they had to tell their story over and again. Partners noted that
the Common Assessment Framework was designed to be completed in conjunction with
families and that, done properly, the CAF could help co-operation with families.
There was uncertainty with thresholds, with partners being told that their referrals did
not meet children’s social care thresholds. IPST had taken steps to increase
understanding of their thresholds, for instance by undertaking threshold workshops for
children’s centres workers and by having children’s centre social workers to take part
on the IPST duty rota one day per month each.
Domestic violence was a major factor in many cases. One in three referrals from
children’s centres concerned domestic violence. Tower Hamlets Housing Options had
some emergency housing for DV cases: both refuge accommodation and sanctuary
schemes to allow victims to remain in their own homes. These cases were complicated,
with services having to conduct safety planning with families in denial and with women
often staying with the abuser.
CAMHS was developing an approach of working with families in denial, rather than
forcing them to admit child abuse/domestic violence. They commented that social work
as a profession had lost a focus on psychological interventions, but that Tower Hamlets
was trying to move towards both psychological and sociological approaches.
The Group Manager of the Assessment and Early Intervention service thought that the
right cases were reaching his team. IPST was performing a gate keeper function which
was helping to ensure lower-level cases were weeded out earlier in the process and the
serious ones were being progressed.
Senior leaders: summary discussion
In order to implement Munro a certain amount of staff training and development is
needed, to break down a culture of bureaucracy which is quite embedded.
Small children and adolescents both feature prominently in Tower Hamlets’ workload.
Children’s social care are getting better at dealing with small children, but need to
develop different approaches with 15-16 year olds, both at preventing them from
entering the care system and helping them to move on from care. Children first: the child protection system in England 97
The (independent) LSCB Chair observed that all partners were under stress and
welcomed the thrust of the Munro report. One of the challenges of an emphasis on early
help, however, was raising expectations which couldn’t be met. In a climate where only
statutory assessments might be being made, the Government needed to be clear that
early help will not always be available. Clarity of policy expectation in this area was
needed.
In terms of neglect, there was a disconnection between what a social worker might
consider evidence enough for intervention, and what the courts required to act.
98 Children first: the child protection system in England
Annex 4: Visit to City of York Children’s Services, March 2012
Overview
The City of York is a unitary authority, with a population of 202,000, including 39,000
children and young people of which 250 are looked-after. The population was very
static. The main challenges for children’s services are a significant increase in the
looked-after children population (around a 7% increase in each of the previous three
years, from c.180 children) and the existence of pockets of severe deprivation with
children living in poverty. Crudely put, there were around 300 to 500 children in the top
tier of need in York, and a further 2,000 to 3,000 vulnerable children below the top tier.
In 2001 there had been 110 looked-after children in York. Now it had the fifth highest
rate per 10,000 in the region, which consisted of 15 authorities. Their ambition was to
reduce the number of looked-after children, but to do it safely.
Co-locating professionals: the AIE service
For the past five to six years York has had a “relentless focus” on early intervention. It
has tried to develop good early responses in order to nip problems in the bud as they
emerge. The key to successful early intervention is gathering and sharing the best
possible intelligence from all agencies. To this end York decided in 2011 to co-locate
agencies to form a single ‘front door’ for children’s services. This was partly in response
to feedback that professionals and the public contacting the service were not always
confident of a consistent response, were uncertain to who approach, and had the
perception that agencies did not talk to one another. Parents said that they were having
to give their story several times; and research suggested that they became unwilling to
engage once they had to make more than two calls.
The co-located team wanted to support families and encourage them to seek help earlier
on, rather than being a “blue flashing light” service.
The process of co-location was straightforward. It did not involve new people, skills or
investment, just different ways of working. The professionals based in the team were
children’s social work, education welfare, health and (from the following week) the
police.
The advice team was the single first point of contact for the public and professionals.
Each team member took a lead in a geographical area and in a practice area (e.g. health,
education), and was responsible for linking in with professionals in that area.
Thresholds
Thresholds had become less important under the new structure. The principle was that
families should not need to meet a threshold to get a service, but support or advice at
different levels should be given to everyone who contacted the service. Thresholds were Children first: the child protection system in England 99
more important to the professionals behind the service, and for public understanding of
who to contact and when, and less important in determining whether a case received a
service. York had a publicly-available “Threshold Guidance Document” which stated
that there was “no wrong door”. This meant that all cases were heard and offered some
form of support. A ‘minimum service’ was defined as a conversation with a parent or
professional.
Since co-location (in 2011) the number of contacts to the team has gone up. In 2009
there were 300 enquiries and in 2010 there were 1,000. Between May and December
2011 there were 3,500 contacts to the new Children’s and Assessment Team team. Of
these, just under 1,500 came from the police, who were the main source of referral. Most
of the police referrals involved domestic violence. In contrast, the number of contacts to
children’s social care has gone down, from 1,300 in 2010 to just under 1,000 this year.
Whereas half of the 1,300 contacts in 2010 received no service, now every contact
receives one. Because lower-level cases are being diverted more effectively at an early
stage (at the ‘front door’), fewer less serious cases are reaching children’s social workers,
allowing them to spend more time on the complex cases.
There were three levels of response to a contact. The lowest level is the offer of advice to
a referrer, signposting them to relevant services and making a record of that
intervention. The next level involves making an ‘enquiry’, a referral to a daily meeting of
social workers and police who will consider the case and determine an appropriate
response. The highest level is an initial assessment by a social worker, followed by
further action as necessary.
The team thought they received around one referral a fortnight from the NSPCC. Child
Line was considered to be a valuable and unique service, as it offered anonymity which
was really valued.
Police, health and youth offending
Four years before, four Protecting Vulnerable Persons (PVP) Units had been established
across police forces in Yorkshire. Its remit was to deal with managing sex offenders in
the community, domestic violence and child protection. The four police officers of the
North Yorkshire PVP were about to co-locate with the child protection team in York.
Whilst there was already strong partnership working, it was expected to help integrate
multi-agency work.
Health was also co-located with children’s social care. Previously there had been some
confusion within health around child protection thresholds and assessments. They had
piloted involving health practitioners in the daily morning meeting at which cases were
discussed, and this had been beneficial in terms of information-sharing and building a
joint understanding. Health professionals now regularly attended these meetings.
The Youth Offending Team (YOT) had merged with the wider Youth Service and
Connexions in York. There were around 16,000 ten to 17 year olds in the city. In 100 Children first: the child protection system in England
2009/10 some 255 entered the criminal justice system for the first time. York had moved
to targeted youth support services (TYSS), away from a universal offer. Positive
activities for young people in terms of support and housing services were still available,
but the management structure of youth services has been changed so that the offer was
more targeted. No children’s or youth centres had been closed.
TYSS worked alongside the ‘front door’ of children’s social care to identify those young
people at risk or on the cusp of the justice system and offer them targeted support. York
YOT dealt with 300 young people who have been sentenced by the court each year. It
had very few prolific offenders. There were around 100-120 live cases in the YOT at any
one time.
Information-sharing
The legal framework for agencies to share information was in place, with the Children’s
Act and a raft of protocol documents on information-sharing. The key was for
professionals to understand the limits and apply a common sense approach.
York had developed a single database for child protection, E-Trak. This brought
together existing, separate databases from children’s social care, the youth offending
team and children’s centres. The database had access to every child or young person
known to education services in York, including home educated children known to the
local authority. It did not systematically include 0-5 year olds, as these were not
necessarily known to education services. It had been designed in-house. The database
was not fully integrated, but worked on a single view, that is, it linked together the
existing databases when a search was run on either a child’s name or their date of birth.
It had greatly helped in the daily meeting, where attendees had access via a laptop and
could run a search on a child straight away. It was a secure system with pin code access.
The missing database was housing, which had not yet been integrated. Health and police
databases were not integrated either, but there were no current plans to do so. The team
warned about relying too heavily on technology, since the key to safeguarding remained
effective communication between professionals.
Evaluating the impact
In terms of evaluating the new co-located service, the social work assessment team had
seen a 27% drop in casework since its introduction. As an indicator of the efficiency
introduced by the new structures, there had been a reduction in section 47 (‘tier 3’) child
protection activity, from 81 core assessments in Q1 of 2011/12 to 59 in Q2 and 61 in Q3.
The proportion of these children who went onto child protection plans had increased,
from 86% in Q1 of 2011/12, to 100% in Q2 and 98% in Q3. This indicated that fewer
cases were being assessed as serious, but those that reached that thresholds were the
right ones, since almost all ended up on child protection plans. On the other side, there
had been an increase in (lower level) common assessments, from 69 in Q1 of 2011/12, to
118 in Q2 and 178 in Q3. This indicated that more cases were being correctly identified
as needing lower level (‘tier 2’) support. Children first: the child protection system in England 101
On a monthly basis the senior management team picked a case and reviewed it together,
including how it was handled and points for improvement.
Feedback from partners
Feedback from other professionals using the co-located service was very positive. One
primary school head teacher, 45% of whose 600 children lived in households with
parents with no educational qualifications and 25% were on free school meals, said that
she had seen significant improvements since the change. Those referring to the service
now received proper feedback on contacts. She thought that it was no coincidence that,
since 2003, many Directors of Education were also Directors of Children’s Services, and
believed integration of directorates in this way to be positive. In her school, two to three
children in each year group were on child protection plans. Beneath that were around
150 children on the school’s ‘watch list’, whose families received additional support, for
instance with domestic violence, drug and alcohol abuse or mental health problems.
There remained difficulties with the police sharing information directly with schools.
For example, schools wanted to know if police had been involved with a family in
relation to domestic violence. The police accepted that, whilst they worked well sharing
information through the Children’s Advice & Assessment Service, they should be able to
share more information directly and informally with schools.
Local NSPCC staff had been able to sit in on some of the daily meetings which had given
them a better understanding about decision-making. At each of the daily meetings,
which were chaired by children’s social care managers, there were around 5 staff plus up
to two guest observers from other agencies.
Health visitors had found the pilot where they sat in on the daily meeting had improved
their understanding of social work practice. The health visitors worked closely with the
police and attended domestic violence multi agency risk assessment conferences
(MARACs).
View from the local safeguarding children board
The independent chair of York Safeguarding Children Board described the board’s
functions with respect to multi-agency training, responsibility for child death overview
panels and a wider prevention role. Independent chairs had met recently with the
Children’s Minister who had encouraged them to exercise their scrutiny and
accountability function. An advantage of having independent chairs was their
confidence to challenge all the agencies and professionals without putting their
professional reputation at risk. The SCB urged professionals not to close cases until
there was a positive outcome for the child. All the schools in York had pooled money
from their own budgets to fund a full-time Education Safeguarding Officer to work
across the city. 102 Children first: the child protection system in England
In terms of the areas of challenge in York, the independent chair highlighted a small
group of children who harmed other children, the theme of sexual exploitation,
domestic violence, and neglect. York had had three very serious cases of chronic neglect,
one of which resulted in a serious case review, and neglect was the main cause of entry
onto a child protection plan for children in the city. It was often part of a pattern of
multiple abuse and children often had complex needs. He considered an earlier response
to be required, with the risk of neglect being identified pre-birth; poor pre-birth
assessment had been the main feature of the serious cases in York.
The legislation on neglect was considered to be clear; the difficulty was the
‘squeamishness’ of professionals to intervene in cases of neglect. Unlike other forms of
abuse, where evidencing the abuse was often more straightforward, providing evidence
of neglect was hard. It often depended on professionals telling parents at an early stage
that their behaviour was unacceptable, and measuring neglect by how far their
behaviour improved. This meant that, if professionals did not warn parents early on, it
was hard to prove a criminal offence.
In terms of how best practice might be shared across the country, the team thought that
there was a role for Ofsted, that ADCS was good at sharing good practice, and that
C4EO played a similar role. Perhaps in the future there would also be a role for the
College of Social Work.
Children first: the child protection system in England 103
Annex 5: Visit to Doncaster County Council children’s services, March
2012
Overview of Doncaster children’s services
Most staff had been at Doncaster for two to three years. They had inherited a ‘broken’
system: the whole system which supported children and young people had broken
down, including the education, safeguarding and care systems. Doncaster had been
placed under an Improvement Notice, with an improvement plan drawn up. The
current team’s approach had been to analyse what had gone wrong, to build strong
partnerships and to benchmark across national standards. Doncaster expected to exit
intervention later in the year, with an Ofsted inspection due in October.
Reasons behind the systemic failure had been poor professional leadership at all levels
over a number of years. For instance, the duty and assessment service had gone through
18 managers in 24 months. A corporate governance inspection of Doncaster had found
the whole Council wanting. Now the Council had developed a strong scrutiny function,
carrying out in-depth analysis in concert with children’s services. The team considered
that strong local authority overview and scrutiny functions could help prevent the kinds
of systemic failures seen in Doncaster. High staff turnover was a good early warning sign
of a children’s social care service on a downward trajectory, as was a lack of political
engagement.
Previous failings had left a legacy of a lack of trust and communication between
professionals and agencies, and a lack of faith by families and the public in children’s
services. Rebuilding this trust would take time. Relationships between children’s social
care and the police and with health had deteriorated to nothing. One difficulty was that
older children were now coming to the attention of children’s services who had been
failed by the system earlier in their lives. There were a high number of children who had
been on child protection plans for a long time. Child protection in Doncaster was
estimated to be around ten to fifteen years behind other authorities.
There were no quick fixes, and a deep-rooted, systemic revision had been required.
Initially three interim experts had been brought in, who each had experience in a part of
the system (for instance, how to run an assessment team). New leadership and senior
management had been appointed, who had invested in people and the services. Partners
reported that the change in leadership itself had made a huge difference to multi-agency
engagement, but that management’s honesty in communication and willingness to
consider suggestions had also helped.
Getting the right staff was vital to transforming the service, but was challenging. It was
hard to attract staff to Doncaster. However, it was felt that the right head of service,
team managers and front-line staff were now in place, and they were all very
enthusiastic and evidently committed and hard-working. 104 Children first: the child protection system in England
Every quarter an independent safeguarding group conducted case-file audits of between
12 and 40 cases.
There had been a 70% increase in the number of child protection plans in the previous
seven months, and a continuing increase in referrals from family and friends. These
reflected, but surpassed, a national trend. The team interpreted the increase as
indicating greater confidence in the system from the public.
The CMARAS structure
The current structure was an integrated family support service. In time, the intention
was to move to a multi-agency team. A ‘CMARAS’ system had been set up, under which
the entire police public protection team was co-located with children’s social care. The
benefits of co-locating an entire police team, rather than a single professional embedded
in another agency, were considerable. Police and social workers underwent formal joint
training. There had been some logistical difficulties with co-locating police, mainly
relating to the police requiring a secure access part of the building to protect access to
their databases, but work-arounds had been found. CMARAS received 1,300 to 1,400
contacts each month, around 50 per day. The police alone dealt with 500 domestic
violence reports each month. The vast majority of CMARAS contacts were between 9am
and 5pm Monday to Friday. The out of hours service took contacts and conducted
emergency work; it dealt with around 20 to 25 contacts each month, the majority from
professionals. The number of referrals from NSPCC adult helpline or Child Line was
unknown, but estimated to be under 3 a month. One action point from Doncaster’s
recent Ofsted inspection had been to improve feedback to referrers on what action was
taken, and this was in the service’s action plan.
Thresholds
If a case did not meet the thresholds for statutory intervention, CMARAS would
signpost to other relevant services or interventions. If a referrer disagreed with the
assessment that a case did not meet the thresholds for children’s social care that person
could escalate the case through the local safeguarding children board; but most cases
were resolved at an earlier stage.
The best ways to develop a common understanding of thresholds across agencies were
co-location, multi agency training and multi-agency casework, for instance joint
interviewing with police officers and social workers.
Partners
Child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) had been transformed in
Doncaster. Services had previously been very poor. Waiting lists had been reduced from
18 months to four weeks, ‘urgent’ cases from 6 to 8 weeks’ wait to a same day service.
Pathways for ADHD had been improved, and work was underway to make similar Children first: the child protection system in England 105
improvements to autism. CAMHS was joint across several local authorities: Rotherham,
Doncaster and South Humber (“RDASH”). This enabled economies of scale.
106 Children first: the child protection system in England
Annex 6: Meeting with young people, 17
th
April 2012
17
th
April 2012
Members held informal discussions with young people, and their support workers, from
a number of organisations specialising in supporting victims of abuse and neglect,
trafficking, children in care, forced marriage, homelessness and street children.
Finding and getting help
Group 1
When asked what their experiences of finding and getting help had been, several young
people immediately answered ‘complicated’. Part of this complication arose from
difficulties in contacting social workers, who were reported as not returning calls, and
being elusive.
A lack of awareness about how to find support, and what support was available, were
also noted by several young people. One said the experience was nerve-wracking and
scary, partly because of feeling guilty about needing help, but also because they hadn’t
realised that there was anyone out there who could help. Another also said the
experience was scary, because they didn’t understand what was going to happen:
processes needed to be clearly explained to young people seeking help. These issues led
to the process being described as ‘stressful’ by another participant. One young person
noted that it was easy to make a complaint about another person but getting help itself
had no easy ‘route’.
One participant noted that lots of professionals ‘talk down’ to you, and make you feel
like you’re in the wrong. The language used by social workers had been an issue for
some, with several reporting “stupid big words that you don’t understand”. Other social
workers had made young people feel as if “they’re doing something nice for you and you
should return it”.
The need for, and use of, ‘evidence’ was cited by several young people as a major barrier
to getting help. One reported that she had been refused help on the grounds of “not
enough evidence”, and several said that their complaints had not been believed. A
participant recalled that she had been asked to make a video diary as evidence, and was
then told that she didn’t seem upset enough on screen to prove that she was being
neglected. Another said that, if you didn’t have an adult supporting your application for
help, it was hard to come by. One young person said it took six months to get attention
for his case, which led others to agree that social workers were often unavailable. (One
participant joked that social workers have a list of excuses for being late.)
One young person in the group had found getting help easy, but he explained this was
because he had been picked up by the police when he was in trouble. However, the same Children first: the child protection system in England 107
young person reported a good experience of social workers (he said he “couldn’t ask for
better”), although recognised that there is variety. This led to discussion of variation in
standards between carers and local authorities. The case was argued strongly for better
‘across-board’ rules and protocols bringing different services together.
When asked what improvements could be made to the system, that theme was
developed, with arguments made for consistency across different parts of the country.
Calls for a central portal which any young person could go to for help were also made.
Social workers, participants argued, needed to listen more, as did schools, which could
provide a valuable first port of contact.
Young people needed to be treated more seriously—like adults—when they sought help,
and red tape needed to be cut around the processes involved. This would help swifter
action, which was seen as important: one young person said there was far too much
form-filling and talking around issues. Another, by contrast, said that targets were
unhelpful because they led to people taking shortcuts and moving too fast on occasion.
False accusations were noted as a big issue which get young people with genuine
problems a bad name. Quick investigations are needed, participants said, to make sure
the true situation is ascertained fast.
Group 2
Participants were invited to choose from a selection of words to help describe their
experiences. Some of those selected were:
Awkward: who do you ask? It’s awkward to admit you need help, whether from a parent
or a social worker or anyone else.
Stress-free: this is how it should be. Social workers should help you to understand:
people should not be scary. You need people in the same situation as you who can
understand what young people are experiencing. Social workers don’t need to have had
the same experience themselves but must be able to understand the needs of individuals.
Confusing: you keep being directed to another person within an organisation.
A new entrant to the UK said that her experience was that social workers were very
supportive. They treated her fairly, helped her to learn about life in this country and
checked up on her regularly. They always asked what she herself wanted.
Others said that not all social workers were good and some needed more training. A lot
of young people with issues get pushed around by social workers. One had had no
contact for two years. Social workers needed more training in what young people were
feeling and to help them get a voice. 108 Children first: the child protection system in England
A non-English speaker explained that he did not have a social worker at the moment
and the barrier of language made him very aware that there was no one to guide him to
help. He had been assessed at a police station by social workers who found he was over
18, although he said he was 17. He was then held in detention before being moved to
different boroughs. He spoke of the anxiety of waiting for a decision and not being
believed caused by the age assessment procedure.
Scary: the participant who chose this word told his story of being moved from a care
home because he was believed to be aged 18 to an adult hostel in another city with no
financial support, no one there to talk to and surrounded by very vulnerable adults. (As
an asylum-seeker at that point) his age had been assessed on the basis on his behaviour
but when he was reassessed as being under 18, he was moved back into foster care. He
felt that more effort needed to go into establishing age because 8 months at this adult
hostel had not only affected his well-being but his mental health.
Asked if contacting a teacher was easier, the general view was that when you don’t know
anyone you have to go to a social worker. Not all young people are in education. One
girl had talked to her teacher but the teacher did not contact a social worker or make a
report.
Participants were asked what would make it easier to find help. Answers were:
• An advocate for every young person. Social services did not tell this young
person anything and it was awkward to talk to teachers about private matters.
Poor behaviour was often put down by professionals to children being “in care”.
An advocate would be separate from the system and “on your side”.
• The Refugee Council was very helpful and supportive. They had the knowledge
because they worked across different cultural backgrounds: social services lacked
this experience. Another participant said that the Children’s Society had helped
them a lot.
• One participant felt that he had received no help from any of the authorities in
the UK apart from NGOs. He had no access to information or advice.
• One young person was helped by a teacher in college. Teachers have to know
about confidentiality. She overheard a teacher discussing her with “pity”. She
said “I don’t want to be pitied: I want them to listen and do something about it”.
• Support workers would help to point in the right direction.
• Young people also needed mentors who had the same experience as you.
• A guardian would be good, as in Scotland.
Quality of care and support
Group 1
Young people had experienced a range of care and support. One young person said she
had “only had the opportunities I’ve had because I was in care”. High-quality care, it was Children first: the child protection system in England 109
explained, made individuals feel valued and capable, and the best care overrode the
worst. However, there was too much bad provision.
Some young people felt that care offered by other agencies, such as charities, was
generally of higher quality. However, there was support for Youth Offending Teams.
Some young people had experienced problems with social services because they were
over sixteen years of age, and had therefore been ignored. Offices were often not childfriendly, and the standard of social workers and services varied hugely.
One young person said their care had been “rubbish”, and the first contact had caused
them to run away. More hostels for young people would be valuable, it was suggested, so
that there was somewhere for neglected or abused young people to feel safe. Eventually,
it was a good hostel which changed that participant’s life. Some of the rules in hostels,
for example concerning the use of mobile phones, were seen as unnecessary.
Some young people reported that advice was often of poor quality, and sometimes
consisted of being told to “go home” when home was the problem. This led to further
discussion of the need for a central portal (see above), known to all young people and
easily accessible in the case of need. Some participants felt schools were well-placed to
provide that function, but that school staff currently “didn’t know what to do” with such
young people. Another felt that ChildLine could be expanded to provide this function,
and should be advertised “everywhere”, because it deals with all sorts of problems well.
Routes for contact were seen as vital: currently, help isn’t “well signposted”, one
participant said.
Group 2
The young people used a selection of images to help explain their responses on this
issue.
One participant chose a picture of locks “because you have to unlock barriers to help”
(for example, establishing whether you are under 18). Everyone should be treated the
same.
Another felt that “social services only think about money”: they listen but do not take
notes of what to work on. For example, they had not provided money for a school
uniform or for transport to solicitor’s appointments. Others agreed that social services
only act when under pressure.
A second participant chose an image of climbing to symbolise their wish to go to
university. Social services would not help until she had an advocate who fought for her.
“Everything you just have to fight, fight and fight and it’s not fair because it’s your
right”. The advocate listened and put her views first. She was always there for the
young person and never pushed her own views.
There was a general view that Independent Reviewing Officers really helped. Social
services always did what the reviewer said. One participant who had been living on his 110 Children first: the child protection system in England
own felt the reviewer was particularly important because he had no one else there to
help him. In another case a key worker never replied to any report.
A third participant chose a cat in a flowerpot because people treated you as a child,
making you want to shy away because “what’s the point? No one is going to take you
seriously”. Asked how to make it better, there were various responses, including:
• Social workers need more training, more understanding of the situation. They
need to read everything about you, talk to you and understand you.
• The best know how to relate to the client, how to listen and how to get the job
done. Some will translate the conversation into what they think you said. They
need a “youth-centred” approach. This was not necessarily about training.
• Social workers always look at the budget. There should be a law for local
authorities to work together to provide same services for children everywhere.
(Another participant pointed out that you would need to have someone to make
this happen.)
A majority of participants were doubtful about a charter of children’s rights.
The point was made that social workers can say no but should be straight with young
people. Social services don’t find a way to work with young people.
Having a voice
All together, the young people present were asked to stand in a line across the room,
ranging from ‘1’ to ‘10’, depending on how much they considered their voice and views
had been taken into account during their care experience. There were a range of
responses, though focussed at the lower end of the scale. There was a general consensus
that there was room for improvement in this area, although views were “sometimes”
taken into consideration.
Asked why they had placed themselves where they had:
• -1: one participant explained that his calls for support had fallen on “deaf ears”,
especially at school where no-one listened;
• 1: another, standing near the low end of the scale, said that social workers didn’t
listen and patronised her, were hard to contact, and didn’t communicate well;
and
• 3: There was room for improvement but sometimes views were taken into
consideration. People needed to be more direct.
• 4: It was not perfect and never will be experience had been good.
A common complaint was that young people had to tell their stories more than ten
times which made a lot of children just give up and stop talking completely. Another
issue was that it was always a different person whenever you go to social services. Children first: the child protection system in England 111
There was agreement that the one place you could go was NSPCC/ChildLine: no matter
what the problem was, you always got help and always found the right person. In one
area a local NSPCC group had been very helpful: it would be amazing if every local
authority had the opportunity to meet such groups. Community groups bring childrenin-care together.
MPs’ closing remarks
Summing up the session, MPs made a number of comments and shared some thoughts
on key issues:
• there was a general agreement that the session has been fantastic, and that the
Committee should continue to engage with the front line as much as possible;
• there was unanimous respect for the young people attending the meeting;
• that young people needed to be believed when making serious complaints, and
that being asked for huge rafts of evidence could muddy issues;
• that protocols needed to be common across the country, providing greater
clarity for young people and support services;
• that non-statutory services played an important and valuable role;
• that there were clear issues with some social workers’ ability to communicate
with young people;
• that there needed to be a single ‘point of contact’ of central ‘portal’ of which all
young people were aware, and which could be approached for help;
• that too many young people were sent home, which was often where problems
originated;
• that professionals had too much red tape with which to contend;
• that it was the duty of all adults to listen to young people, and take them
seriously. 112 Children first: the child protection system in England
Formal Minutes
Wednesday 31 October 2012
Members present:
Graham Stuart, in the Chair
Neil Carmichael
Alex Cunningham
Pat Glass
Siobhain McDonagh
Ian Mearns
David Ward
Craig Whittaker
Draft Report (Children first: the child protection system in England), proposed by the Chair, brought up and
read.
Ordered, That the draft Report be read a second time, paragraph by paragraph.
Paragraphs 1 to 221 read and agreed to.
Annexes 1 to 6 agreed to.
Summary agreed to.
Resolved, That the Report be the Fourth Report of the Committee to the House.
Ordered, That the Chair make the Report to the House.
Written evidence was ordered to be reported to the House for printing with the Report, together with written
evidence reported and ordered to be published on 2 November 2011 in the last session of Parliament, and 22
May.
Ordered, That embargoed copies of the Report be made available, in accordance with the provisions of
Standing Order No. 134.
*******
[Adjourned till Tuesday 6 November at 9.15am Children first: the child protection system in England 113
Witnesses
Wednesday 19 October 2011 Page
Jim Gamble, former Head of the Child Exploitation and Online Protection
Centre (CEOP),and John Goldup, National Director, Development and
Strategy, Ofsted. Ev 1
Professor Harriet Ward, Professor of Child and Family Research and
Director, Centre for Child and Family Research, University of Loughborough,
Professor Nina Biehal, Research Director, Children and Young People’s
Social Work Team, University of York, and Dr Marion Brandon, Senior
Lecturer in Social Work and Director of Post-Qualifying Programmes,
University of East Anglia. Ev 11
Wednesday 2 November 2011
Theresa Lane, Headteacher, Rachel McMillan Nursery School and Children’s
Centre, Deptford, Dr Richard Quirk, Named GP Safeguarding Children, NHS
West Sussex, NHS East Sussex Downs and Weald, and NHS Hastings and
Rother, and Emma Grove, Assistant Head, George Green’s School, Tower
Hamlets. Ev 21
Sue Minto, Head of ChildLine, John Cameron, Head of NSPCC Adult Helpline
and Joe Ferns, Director of Research, Development and Operations, The
Samaritans. Ev 32
Wednesday 30 November 2011
Joanna Sharpen, Children and Young People’s Co-ordinator, Against
Violence and Abuse (AVA), Prospera Tedam, Chair, Africans Unite Against
Child Abuse (AFRUCA), Kathy Rowe, Chair, Karma Nirvana, and Colin
Walker, Deputy Director, End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and
Trafficking Children for Sexual Purposes (ECPAT UK). Ev 40
Judith Dennis, Policy Manager, Refugee Council, Andy McCullough, Head of
Policy and Public Affairs, Railway Children, Christine Lenehan, Director,
Council for Disabled Children, and Mark Johnson, Founder, User Voice. Ev 51
Tuesday 13 December 2011
Martin Narey, Government Adviser on Adoption, and John Hemming MP,
Founder and Chairman, Justice for Families Ev 60
114 Children first: the child protection system in England
Wednesday 11 January 2012 Page
Phillip Noyes, Director of Strategy and Development, NSPCC, Kate Wallace,
Deputy Director Policy and Research, Barnardo’s, and Enver Solomon, Policy
Director, The Children’s Society. Ev 76
Wednesday 7 March 2012
Jennie Stephens, Strategic Director People, Devon County Council, Rory
McCallum, Head, Child and Adult Protection, Devon County Council, Nigel
Richardson, Director of Children’s Services, and Steve Walker, Deputy
Director, Safeguarding, Specialist and Targeted Services, Leeds City Council Ev 92
Sue Woolmore, Independent Chair, Wigan Safeguarding Children Board,
and Chair, Independent LSCB Chairs’ Network, and Jane Held, Independent
Chair, Leeds and Birmingham Safeguarding Children Board. Ev 105
Wednesday 16 May 2012
Peter Davies, Chief Executive, Child Exploitation and Online Protection
Centre. Ev 113
Dr Shade Alu, Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health, and Dame
Moira Gibb CBE, Chair Social work Reform Board. Ev 122
Tuesday 22 May 2012
Professor Eileen Munro, Professor of Social Policy, London School of
Economics. Ev 132
District Judge Nicholas Crichton, Family Drug and Alcohol Court, and
Anthony Douglas, Chief Executive, Children and Families Courts Advisory
and Support Service (CAFCASS). Ev 139
Monday 11 June 2012
Tim Loughton MP, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Children Ev 148
Children first: the child protection system in England 115
List of printed written evidence
1 John Hemming MP, Justice for Families Ev 164
2 Karma Nirvana Ev 168
3 ECPAT UK (End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and the Trafficking
of Children for Sexual Purposes) Ev 170
4 Office for Standards in Education, Children’s Services and Skills (Ofsted)Ev 174, Ev 213
5 Loughborough University Ev 178
6 Barnardo’s Ev 179
7 Refugee Children’s Consortium Ev 184, Ev 232
8 Against Violence and Abuse (AVA) Ev 189, Ev 214
9 Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health (RCPCH) Ev 191, Ev 222
10 Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Health (RCPCH) and National Society
for the Prevention of Cruelty of Children (NSPCC) Ev 194
11 National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) Ev 197, Ev 217
12 Professor Nina Biehal, Social Policy Research Unit, University of York Ev 204
13 Railway Children Ev 205
14 Leeds City Council Ev 208
15 Devon County Council Ev 210
16 Child Exploitation and Online Protection (CEOP) Ev 227
17 Children’s Society Ev 229
List of additional written evidence
(published in Volume III on the Committee’s website www.parliament.uk/educom)
1 Jim Phillips Ev w1
2 Nigel King Ev w1
3 Children and Families Across Borders (CFAB) Ev w3, Ev w262
4 Department for Education Ev w5
5 Dr Richard Quirk, Lead GP, NHS West and East Sussex Ev w6
6 Professor Susan White (University of Birmingham); Professor David Wastell
(University of Nottingham); Dr Geoff Debelle (Birmingham Children’s Hospital);
Dr Suzanne Smith (Pennine Acute Hospitals Trust); and Dr Chris Hall (University
of Durham) Ev w8
7 Medical Protection Society (MPS) Ev w12
8 Ian Joseph Ev w13
9 Children are Unbeatable! Ev w17
10 Vanguard Consulting Ev w21
11 28 Too Many Ev w25
12 Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea Ev w25
13 Florence Bellone Ev w30, Ev w257
14 Child Welfare and Research Unit, Lancaster University Ev w33
15 Family Rights Group Ev w36 116 Children first: the child protection system in England
16 Dr Roger Morgan OBE, Children’s Rights Director for England Ev w46
17 Dr Liz Davies, Reader in Child Protection, London Metropolitan University Ev w50
18 Centre for Family Policy and Child Welfare, London Metropolitan University Ev w54
19 Children England Ev w60
20 The Consortium of Expert Witnesses to the Family Courts Ev w63
21 The Association of Child Psychotherapists Ev w64
22 British Association of Social Workers (BASW) Ev w66
23 General Medical Council (GMC) Ev w70
24 Parents Against Injustice (PAIN) Ev w74, Ev w251
25 Association for Improvements in Maternity Services (AIMS) Ev w75, Ev w185
26 Magistrates’ Association Ev w83
27 Coram Children’s Legal Centre Ev w86
28 Social Care Institute for Excellence (SCIE) Ev w88
29 Iranian and Kurdish Women’s Rights Organisations (IKWRO) Ev w91
30 Centre for Child and Family Research, Equality Now Ev w95
31 Local Government Group Ev w98
32 Professor June Thoburn, University of East Anglia Ev w101
33 BT Ev w116
34 South Essex Rape and Incest Crisis Centre (SERICC) Ev w117
35 Beatbullying Ev w119
36 Association of Directors of Children’s Services (ADCS) Ev w120
37 ACPO lead for Children Protection and Abuse Investigation Ev w124
38 Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre Ev w128
39 IMKAAN Ev w133
40 4Children Ev w137
41 National Deaf Children Society Ev w141
42 False Allegations Support Organisation Ev w143
43 Law Society Ev w145
44 National Council for Voluntary Services (NCVYS) Ev w146
45 Office of the Children’s Commissioner Ev w150
46 Serious Organised Crime Agency Ev w154
47 Jane Ellison MP Ev w156
48 Foundation for Women’s Health Research and Development (FORWARD) Ev w157
49 NHS Confederation Ev w160
50 Association of Lawyers for Children Ev w165
51 The Children’s Society Ev w167
52 Designated Professionals Network Ev w170
53 End Violence Against Women Ev w174
54 The Princess Royal Trust for Carers Ev w178
55 Shaun O’Connell Ev w181
56 Nisai Virtual Academy Ev w193
57 Advice on Individual Rights in Europe (AIRE) Ev w195
58 National Association of Head Teachers (NAHT) Ev w197
59 ADCS Ev w199
60 The Adolescent and Children’s Trust Ev w201 Children first: the child protection system in England 117
61 National Children’s Bureau (NCB) Ev w203
62 Women’s Aid Federation of England Ev w206
63 Jan Loxley-Bolount Ev w224
64 Dianne Harper and Paul Staniforth Ev w227
65 Alastair Patterson Ev w229
66 Jude Murray Ev w235
67 Kathy Rowe and Joyce Plotnikoff (Director, Lexicon Limited) Ev w235
68 Julie Haines, Justice for Families Ev w238
69 Peter Bentley Ev w247
70 Janine Halmshaw Ev w249
71 Jerry Lonsdale Ev w253
72 Mrs Jan Murray and Mrs Karen Wynne Ev w255
73 Jane Held Ev w259
74 Professor Judith Masson, School of Law, University of Bristol Ev w260
75 Action for Children Ev w265 118 Children first: the child protection system in England
List of Reports from the Committee during
the current Parliament
The reference number of the Government’s response to each Report is printed in brackets after the
HC printing number.
Session 2010-12
First Special Report Young people not in education, employment or
training: Government Response to the Children,
Schools and Families Committee's Eighth Report of
Session 2009-10
HC 416
Second Special Report The Early Years Single Funding Formula: Government
Response to the Seventh Report from the Children,
Schools and Families Committee, Session 2009-10
HC 524
Third Special Report Transforming Education Outside the Classroom:
Responses from the Government and Ofsted to the
Sixth Report of the Children, Schools and Families
Committee, Session 2009-10
HC 525
Fourth Special Report Sure Start Children's Centres: Government Response
to the Fifth Report from the Children, Schools and
Families Committee, Session 2009-10
HC 768
First Report Behaviour and Discipline in Schools HC 516-I and -II
(HC 1316)
Second Report The role and performance of Ofsted HC 570-I and II
(HC 1317)
Fifth Special Report Looked-after Children: Further Government Response
to the Third Report from the Children, Schools and
Families Committee, Session 2008-9
HC 924
Third Report Services for young people HC 744-I and –II
(HC 1501)
Fourth Report Participation by 16-19 year olds in education and
training
HC 850-I and –II
(HC 1572)
Fifth Report The English Baccalaureate HC 851
(HC 1577)
Sixth Report Services for young people: Government Response to
the Committee’s Third Report of Session 2010–12
HC 1501
(HC 1736)
Seventh Report Appointment of HM Chief Inspector, Ofsted HC 1607-I
Eighth Report Chief Regulator of Qualifications and Examinations HC 1764-I and -II
Ninth Report Great teachers: attracting, training and retaining the
best
HC 1515-IChildren first: the child protection system in England 119
Session 2012–13
First Report The administration of examinations for 15–19 year
olds in England
HC 141-I
(HC 679)
Second Report Appointment of Chair, Social Mobility and Child
Poverty Commission
HC 461-I
Third Report Governance and leadership of the Department for
Education
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